Should Kyrillos run for Senate?

PolitickerNJ.com posted a poll and 38% of those who took it said they wanted to see Joe Kyrillos run for U.S. Senate.

I can't wait to see him go for it.

Comment to Abe

I wrote this comment on Honest Abe's blog, but I thought it was worth reposting:

William A. Newell said...
This might have something to do with that thing about getting Romney delegates on the June primary ballot.

I think that issue is over with unless Romney un-suspends his campaign, which isn't going to happen.

I wouldn't mind seeing Kyrillos enter the Senate race, just for the public scrutiny factor.

Keep in mind, I was barely 22 years old and two months on the job as a reporter when I dug up that info on the Matawan-Aberdeen Train Station project.

What do you think a seasoned opposition researcher is going to find?

IMHO, the APP has been relatively gentle with Kyrillos over the years. Understandably so: they're unwilling to go after Republicans in the Statehouse unless absolutely necessary, since Statehouse Dems have shown no means of being able to restrain themselves from spending.

But if any serious ethical questions or conflicts of interest are brought up during the course of a statewide campaign, I think the APP will be the ones to jump up and cut him down. They like to tend to their own backyard.

It's not going away

Less than an hour after Mitt Romney suspended his campaign, PolitickerNJ.com reported that Adam Puharic wants Joe Kyrillos to run for U.S. Senate.

Just a reminder, please enjoy your Joe Kyrillos literature. Read it now, read it in November. It'll still be here.

Fred Niemann and Jack Morris sitting in a tree...

And there comes a time when everything is illuminated...

From today's Asbury Park Press article:
IN TINTON FALLS: Project needs stormwater system overhaul
Development terms made tougher; group won't sue

"Fred Niemann, a lawyer representing Edgewood [Properties], could not be reached for comment."

Edgewood Properties is Jack Morris' company. Jack Morris is a business partner of former Middlesex Democratic boss and future inmate John Lynch. Jack Morris has also been identified as the unnamed developer listed in an indictment brought by the U.S. Attorney's office against an elected official; in the indictment the unnamed developer is accused of bribing the elected official via campaign contributions, including wheeled campaign contributions.

Jack Morris has not been charged by Chris Christie's folks over at U.S. Attorney's office, though the bribery-via-campaign contributions accusation was made public in the indictment several months ago.

For those who forget, Jack Morris and his companies have given over $50,000 in campaign contributions to Chris Christie family friend state Sen. Joe Kyrillos. Former Matawan mayor and current Freeholder Deputy Director Rob Clifton also received money from a PAC that had Morris as a top contributor (some might consider that particular contribution wheeled money and Clifton has since returned it).

Morris also contributed to the Monmouth County GOP and to one of those illustrious legal-but-ethically-questionable Mon. Cty. GOP PACs during the time Fred Niemann was chair.


And no, the Jack Morris-Aberdeen/Matawan
Train Station issue is not going away.

Old unpublished article

A dated Journalista: I wrote the article below circa the summer of 2004 (hence the McGreevey and Kushner references).

I shopped it around town and Al Sullivan used some of my info in an article he wrote for the Hudson Reporter. Al worked on the story for a couple of weeks but we wound up getting scooped by the Ledger. (The link to Ledger story has expired, but WhiteHouseForSale.org sums it up pretty well.)

The $144,000 in donations from the Christies to the New Jersey State Republican committee from 2001-2004 were generally ignored newspaper-wise for the juicier fact that "Since the summer of 2001, Todd Christie (Chris Christie's brother) and his wife have donated more than $400,000 to various GOP coffers. In comparison, the couple had donated less than $12,000 in the time before Chris began lobbying for the U.S. attorney's job." (WhiteHouseForSale.org)

Todd Christie came into $100 million in 2000 when Goldman Sachs purchased his firm, Spear, Leeds & Kellogg, hence his ability to donate large sums of money to the state and national GOP. However, his time at Spear, Leeds & Kellogg has since drawn some controversy. In April 2005, Todd Christie was one of 20 folks charged civilly by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission for using "their positions with the New York Stock Exchange to enrich themselves and their companies at the expense of investors".

The New York Times' editorial from April 16, 2005 included this interesting bite: "We can't help but note that Todd Christie, the brother of Christopher Christie, the United States attorney for New Jersey, was among the 20 stock traders charged. But while 14 of the traders were charged with criminal fraud, Mr. Christie, a major donor to Republicans and the youngest brother of a prosecutor who has specialized in rooting out political corruption, faces only civil penalties and fines. ... Mr. Christie ranked fourth in the S.E.C. complaint among the 20 traders who earned the biggest profits at customers' expense. The top three were indicted, as were 11 traders lower down. We don't know whether this is a case of how nice it is to have big brothers in high places. But it doesn't look good."

Anyway, here's the thing I wrote in the summer of 2004. It wasn't written for Courier; it was a piece I was shopping around. There are a number of stylistic things I would change if I had written it today, but I'm not going to start nit-picking now.

Chris Christie's money trail

By JACKIE CORLEY

New Jersey's U.S. Attorney, Christopher J. Christie, has achieved a reputation as the Garden State's chief crusader for justice, racking up convictions against corrupt politicians and party fundraisers.

Recently, Charles Kushner, Governor Jim McGreevey's top Democratic money-maker, felt the sting of a Christie-led investigation. Kushner pled guilty in federal court on August 18 to 18 charges, including retaliating against a federal witness, violating campaign finance laws and filing false tax returns.

Christie has also been a vocal opponent of New Jersey's notorious pay-to-play political tactics in which campaign contributors are rewarded with jobs, tax breaks and other lucrative deals. Christie called such practices a hidden tax on residents.

While investigating shady political deals and fighting pay-to-play campaign donors, however, Christie has failed to discuss the $144,000 in campaign contributions he and his family have made to the New Jersey State Republican Committee (NJSRC).

Christie learned on September 10, 2001 he would receive the Presidential appointment and was sworn into office January 17, 2002. Early on, many New Jersey politicians questioned the selection, citing Christie's lack of experience: Christie had never tried a criminal case before becoming New Jersey's U.S. Attorney.

Despite early criticism, Christie struck out on such a fierce campaign of battling corruption that his name is currently being touted in Garden State Republican circles as a possible gubernatorial candidate in 2005 -- or earlier, should McGreevey bow to GOP pressure and resign immediately so a special election can take place this November.

New Jersey Republicans certainly have a lot to be grateful for in Chris Christie, and not just in the investigations that have whittled McGreevey's poll numbers down these past few months.

Campaign finance records from the New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) reveal that before 2001, Christie made two contributions to the NJSRC, totaling a mere $800. From 2001 until 2004, however, Christie and his family donated $144,000 to the committee.

In May and June of 2001, at a time when state Republicans were still deciding who would become New Jersey's next U.S. Attorney, Christie and his family, including his brother Todd Christie and his sister-in-law Theresa Christie, donated $74,000 to the NJSRC.

A month after Christie took the oath of office for U.S. Attorney, his brother donated another $20,000 to the committee. Todd Christie would continue the trend in 2003 and 2004, donating $50,000 to the NJSRC during that time.

Todd Christie was the chief executive of Goldman Sachs' New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) specialist arm, Spear, Leeds & Kellogg. On March 21, 2003 he was nominated to the NYSE's board; in less than a week, he was ousted from his position at Spear, Leeds & Kellogg and withdrew his nomination to the exchange's board. No public explanation was given for the sudden departure.

In addition to the direct contributions from the Christie family, business associates of Christopher and Todd Christie have donated generously to the NJSRC and its chairman, State Senator Joe Kyrillos (R-Monmouth) over the past few years.

Members of Christie's former law firm, Dughi, Hewitt and Palatucci, and Todd Christie's former investment firm Spear, Leeds & Kellogg, contributed $11,000 to the New Jersey State Republican Committee in 2001.

On October 21, 2001, 17 employees from Spear, Leeds & Kellogg donated a total of $14,000 to Kyrillos' campaign coffers. During his three-year tenure as committee chair, Kyrillos has received $30,850 from the Christies and their associates for his local campaigns.

While state U.S. Attorney positions are appointed by the President, leading state party officials hold the cards as to what names get sent to the White House, according to an aide at the Governor's Office who would not release his name.

Timothy A. White, political director of the NJSRC, denied that the committee has any influence over federal appointments, saying the NJSRC focuses its efforts strictly on campaigns at the federal and municipal.

However, Michael Drewniak, public affairs officer for the U.S. Attorney's Office in Newark, acknowledged that closed-door politicking influences how the state's U.S. Attorney post is chosen.

"Honestly, there's a lot of deal making involved," Drewniak said.

When asked directly if state politicians and organizations have a say in the appointment, Drewniak said, "I don't want to go there."

O'Grady found guilty

http://www.app.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20060608/NEWS/60608005

Guess the whole no-defense defense strategy didn't work.

I was as interested in seeing Mr. Azzolina, Peter Carton and Joe Kyrillos take the stand as anyone else. I guess O'Grady's team ultimately decided that the Palughi drama presented enough evidence of reasonable doubt that they didn't need to go down the super-witness list road.

But obviously, the jury thought otherwise.

Retaliation Time

I wish we could get past such things, but when you feel somewhat threatened, I believe you are entitled to make it known. (Then again, I likely would have never created this blog had certain incidents that made me feel threatened not occurred during the time I was investigating the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station project.)

Some strange happenings in the past two days:

1) Holmdel Mayor Serena DiMaso asked the Holmdel Clerk's office to pull legal advertisements from The Courier and place them in the APP, which charges nearly double what we charge. (This extra cost will, of course, go to taxpayers.)

2) We haven't had a dark room at The Courier's office building in about eight years (and thus haven't had to file any chemical-disposal permits with the DEP since that time). Yesterday we received a letter marked "Urgent: Second Notice" (we never received a first notice) stating that we needed to file permits in order to comply with storm water management rules. Apparently, we were mysteriously put back on a state list (e.g. newspapers/publications with dark rooms that handle certain chemicals) with the DEP that we haven't been on for eight years.

I believe this is more than just coincidence. I believe this is retaliation for the reporting we presented to the public this summer.

RE: 1)
This is coming on the heels of an accusation by Ms. DiMaso that a recording of Mr. Kyrillos that we included in a story that ran several months ago was doctored by Terence Wall.

Last week, Ms. DiMaso told an area newspaper that the audio tape of Sen. Kyrillos presented in The Courier's article about a Keansburg development was manufactured by Mr. Wall. I find this highly offensive to me as a journalist. I take a great deal of pride in my work. And I would never present evidence that I had any suspicion was manufactured. (And I'm a pretty damn cynical and suspicious person.)

The audio tape was, in fact, not a tape at all, but a voice mail message that could not have been tampered with. I might add that Mr. Kyrillos, Mr. Wall and other Keansburg officials all acknowledged the existence of the recorded message. The only debate as to the recording was whether or not it was evidence of influence peddling or not. I make no judgment as to that. It is for residents to listen to and make their own determination. Mr. Wall did not bring this recording to The Courier's attention. I heard rumors of its existence and filed an OPRA request with the borough specifically asking for it. I tape recorded this message as it was played from Mr. Wall's voicemail.

I have nothing against Ms. DiMaso. In fact, before Mr. Wall's allegations of a tape of Ms. DiMaso making religious slurs came to light in print, I was considering running a story about it. I ultimately decided against doing so before I was presented with the tape because such allegations, once made, leave a mark whether they are established as true or not. I told this to Ms. DiMaso and she thanked me.

The legals are readily accesible on-line, if the township requests such, and at no extra cost to the township. Despite our ownership's disagreements with Middletown Township in recent years, Middletown never made any attempt to pull our legal advertisements because publishing them in a daily newspaper would come at a significant cost to the taxpayer. The only municipal government to attempt to pull our legal advertisements before was the UFC majority in Keansburg under former Mayor Michael Minervini at a time that The Courier was at odds with that administration. The borough's attorney advised the council that such a retaliatory action was not legal and it was subsequently dropped.

The only reason, in my opinion, that Ms. DiMaso would have for advocating to pull legal advertisements from The Courier is political retaliation for us daring to publish articles describing potential conflicts of interest by Mr. Kyrillos.

Again, I want to emphasize that the cost of this will be passed on to taxpayers.

RE 2)
I find it very strange that we were suddenly put back on a list that we haven't been put on for eight years. I believe that, as well, may likely be an act of retaliation. The DEP's explanations to us as to how we mysteriously came to be put back on this list have been lacking thus far.

Lynch’s role and intrigues in Monmouth County

(Published in the December 22 issue of The Courier.)

Lynch’s role and intrigues in Monmouth County

By JACKIE CORLEY

Are the losses of Monmouth Democrats in part caused by an internal split that has been orchestrated by forces outside the county?

For years state Democratic leaders have been looking at Monmouth as a county with a Republican vice-grip upon it that could be broken. The demographics seemed obvious: Monmouth is not Hudson County, where 42.5 percent of registered voters are Democrats, or Sussex County, where 34.2 percent of registered voters are Republicans, as of 2005.

What the Numbers Say

Contrasted to the rest of the state, Monmouth has the largest percentage of unaffiliated voters compared to its base of registered voters. Out of 396,047 registered voters in Monmouth County, 256,154 or 64.7 percent were unaffiliated with either the Republican or Democratic parties, as of June 2005.

Additionally, the percentage of registered Democrats compared to the percentage of registered Republicans within the county voting bloc is third closest in the state; only Burlington and Bergen counties have a tighter spread percentage between Democrats or Republicans. When it comes to affiliated voters in Monmouth County, 65,390 or 16.5 percent of total registered voters aligned themselves with the Democratic Party, while 73,117 or 18.5 percent of total registered voters have aligned themselves with the Republican Party.

The demographics being what they are, how has Monmouth remained a Republican stronghold for decades?

The well-oiled machinery of the Republican Party plays no small part. And while the county Republicans have had their share of squabbles, such as the ouster of long-time Monmouth Republican Chairman Bill Dowd in June 2004, any issues have remained largely internal.

In the Monmouth County Democratic Party, struggles for the heart of the organization have come as much from neighboring Middlesex County and former state Sen. John Lynch, D-Middlesex, as they have from within.

Additionally, as the Monmouth County Democratic Organization faced internal challenges for the party leadership in recent years, challenges often well-funded by a Political Action Committee (PAC) controlled by Lynch, money from Lynch’s business partners have found its way into Monmouth Republican coffers.

Lynch: ‘Invader’ from the North?

The day after this year’s November General Election, FBI officers raided the Tinton Falls offices, located at Suite 10 on 1 Executive Drive, of Lynch and his business partner, Jack Westlake.

The pair's Monmouth offices house Alma Ltd., Executive Continental Inc. and the New Directions Through Responsible Leadership PAC, according to Election Law Enforcement Committee (ELEC) reports.

In recent interviews conducted by daily newspapers in the state, Lynch has stated that he and Westlake share control of Executive Continental, a subsidiary of Alma Ltd., which was incorporated by Westlake.

Lynch, considered a heavy-hitter in Middlesex politics, was a political mentor to former Gov. James McGreevey before the pair severed ties in the early 2000s. Lynch's own career in elected office ended in 2001 when he retired from the New Jersey Senate.

Labels in the press, such as "king-maker" and "de facto boss," have followed Lynch into retirement. These labels, Lynch has said publicly, are what he believes have drawn the FBI to investigate his business dealings.

Area residents may have been surprised to learn of Lynch’s presence in Monmouth following the FBI raid, when it made headlines in the media.

However, Lynch has had an involvement in Monmouth County politics for a number of years, and the belief that Lynch has been pining for a foothold in Monmouth County is an open secret in the Monmouth County Democratic Organization.

“He’s wanted influence in Monmouth County, no doubt about it,” Middletown Democratic Chairman Joe Caliendo said.

Caliendo said the challenges to Monmouth County Democratic Chairman Victor Scudiery's leadership in recent years were anchored in Lynch's desire to extend his sphere of influence into Monmouth County.

One of the most prominent turf battles for the Monmouth County Democratic Party occurred in 2003. That was when Scudiery supported state Sen. Ellen Karcher, 12th District, in a contentious primary battle against Oceanport Mayor Gordon Gemma, who received significant backing by Lynch. Also that year, Assemblyman Robert Morgan, D-Monmouth, was challenged by Fair Haven business owner Amy Mallet in the 2003 race. The New Directions PAC funded Gemma and Mallet’s failed primary attempt to the tune of $14,400.

Also, a 2000 race for the Monmouth County Democratic chairmanship pitted Red Bank Mayor Ed McKenna against Scudiery. McKenna received $5,000 from the New Directions PAC for the ultimately unsuccessful attempt. Lynch's PAC has continued to support McKenna's role as a Democratic leader in Monmouth County, contributing $9,700 to the Red Bank Democratic Party and $2,500 to the Monmouth County Council of Democrat Leaders PAC, a committee McKenna is affiliated with, since 2002.

Lynch's support for McKenna has been reciprocated, with the Red Bank Democratic Party, McKenna and his law firm contributing at least $5,500 since 2002.

Additionally, some specific municipal Democratic parties in Monmouth County have received funding from New Directions Through Responsible Leadership on more than one occasion since the PAC’s inception. In addition to the Red Bank Democratic Party, these municipal parties include: the Atlantic Highlands Democratic Party, the Manalapan Democratic Party and the West Long Branch Democratic Party.

As for Monmouth County Legislative District races, the Democratic candidates in the 13th District received $3,000 since 1999, with $500 coming from Executive Continental to Assembly candidates Patrick Gillespie and Alex DeSevo in 1999; $2,000 from the New Directions PAC to state senatorial candidate Bill Flynn in 2003; and $500 to Flynn and his Assembly running mates, Leonard Inzerillo and Thomas Perry, also in 2003. No contributions were made to the 2005 Democratic 13th District race, in which candidate Michael Dasaro, who ran with Flynn, made considerable issue of the financial relationship between developer Jack Morris, also a Lynch partner in a Brick land deal, and state Sen. Joseph Kyrillos, R-Monmouth.

In addition to the campaign funds contributed to Gemma and Mallet in the 12th District primary race, then assembly-candidate Gemma and running mate William Scherer received $2,000 from Alma Ltd. in 2001; Karcher received $2,000 from Westlake and $2,000 from the New Directions PAC in the 2003 general election; and Morgan and Assemblyman Michael Panter, D-Monmouth, received $500 from New Directions in 2004.

In the 11th District, Assembly candidate Matthew Doherty received $500 from the New Directions PAC this year.

During the time that Lynch made his presence known in Monmouth through contributions from New Directions, the 2000 and 2003 challenges to Scudiery’s leadership occurred, as did a stunted attempt by McKenna’s law partner and Democratic fundraiser Michael DuPont, who considered running for the chairman post in 2004.

And though individual Monmouth Democrats and municipal campaigns have benefited from Lynch's fundraising capabilities, his PAC has not financially supported the Monmouth County Democratic Organization to the same level as it has other county Democratic organizations throughout the state. The Monmouth County Democratic Party received $5,000 from the PAC since 2001, while southern neighbor Ocean County, also a heavily Republican-controlled part of the state, received $84,500 for its Democratic organization and northern neighbor Middlesex County, Lynch's home territory, received $133,000 for its Democratic organization.

Lynch: A Monmouth Republican Supporter?

While the fact that a PAC under Lynch's control would not contribute funds to a county leadership it has taken exception to is not unusual, what does stand out in ELEC reports listing Suite 10 at 1 Executive Drive as home to numerous campaign contributions are the funds given to the Monmouth County Republican Party by Alma Ltd.

Lynch has publicly stated to other news outlets that Westlake consulted with him about forming Alma Ltd. during the early 1990s. Lynch and Westlake subsequently decided that Westlake alone would incorporate Alma Ltd. and a subsidiary company, later called Executive Continental, Inc., would be formed out of Alma Ltd. to avoid the appearance of a conflict of interest for Lynch, who was still a state senator at the time.

Nevertheless, Alma Ltd. has become a significant source of funds for the Democratic Party, in much the same way that the New Directions PAC listed at the same address had.

Of the $125,450 contributed to campaigns and political organizations by Alma Ltd., with 94 percent of such donations being made between 1998 and 2005, $106,500 went to Democratic candidates and committees.

Alma Ltd., however, has not neglected Republicans: $18,900 in contributions were made to state Republicans. Of the $18,900 in Republican contributions from Alma Ltd., $12,400 went to Monmouth County Republicans.

The Monmouth County Republican Party received a total of $5,500 in annual donations made between 1999 and 2004. The contributions stood in the $650 to $750 range until August 2004, when a $2,000 donation was made. This compares to $3,000 in total contributions to the Monmouth County Democratic Party by Alma Ltd., made between 2002 and 2004.

Other contributions to Monmouth County Republicans by Alma Ltd. include: $650 total to Assemblyman Steve Corodemus, R-Monmouth, in contributions made between 1998 and 1999; $1,800 total to former state Sen. John Bennett, R-Monmouth, in contributions made between 1999 and 2002; and $3,800 to Kyrillos, a former New Jersey State Republican Committee chairman, made between 2000 and 2005.

Kyrillos came under fire this summer when it was revealed that, while counseling Democrat-controlled Aberdeen Township and then-Republican-controlled Matawan Borough for a resolution to the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station redevelopment project, he had accepted over $50,000 from Jack Morris in campaign contributions. Morris is a Middlesex-based developer and a Lynch business partner whose company, the Columbia Group, was ultimately selected by the Matawan Borough Council as its designated redeveloper.

Morris has been a very successful fundraiser for Middlesex Democrats in recent years. Since 2000, Morris and his companies have contributed over $500,000 to Democrats and Democratic political organizations throughout the state. Of that money, at least $140,000 has gone to the Middlesex County Democratic Organization, ELEC reports.

Why would the leader of the New Jersey State Republican Party be accepting funds so closely associated with the so-called Middlesex County Democratic boss, a man who has been doing everything in his power to defeat Middlesex Republicans? Kyrillos has not returned calls to this office to answer questions for this article.

Kyrillos was chairman of the state’s Republican Party from 2001 to 2004.

Middlesex Republicans' Up-hill Battle

For years, Middlesex Republicans have been fighting an up-hill battle to raise funds in a county where the Middlesex Democratic Party is largely in control of the area's municipal and county-wide offices. Subsequently, Middlesex Democrats have been able to draw on the generosity of numerous professional services firms and developers to fill its political coffers.

Is the Middlesex Republican Party destined to minority status because of the financial power of the Middlesex Democratic organization, or has a dry fund-raising well kept the Middlesex Republicans from encroaching on Democratic territory? The question may bit of a "chicken or the egg" scenario, but the Middlesex County Republican Committee has seen little in terms of funding by the state to even put the question to the test.

Middlesex had the second largest base of undeclared voters in the state (Bergen County had claims to first place) at the height of Kyrillos' tenure as state Republican leader in 2002. Nevertheless, the county organization saw only approximately $28,000 in contributions and in-kind contributions from the state party from mid-2001 to 2005.

In total, approximately $2,016,000 has been contributed or given as in-kind contributions to county organizations during that time, with $45,000 of that money being expended since Tom Wilson took over the reins as state Republican chairman in December 2004.

Therefore, the $28,000 amount places Middlesex County 13th out of 19 counties that received money from the state for the county party organization and county-wide races during that time period. (Hunterdon and Sussex counties, both heavily Republican, relied on internal fundraising alone to finance their races.) The counties out-ranking Middlesex in terms of state GOP spending included Democratic powerhouses Essex, Union, Camden and Hudson. Counties that saw less funds from the state than Middlesex from June 2001 to 2005 Cape May, Morris, Atlantic, Salem, Warren and Mercer.

Neighboring Monmouth and Ocean counties were at the top end of the spectrum, receiving approximately $232,000 and $136,000 respectively from the state during that time. Notably, all the donations and in-kind contributions that came to Monmouth from the state between June 2001 and 2005 were made after Fred Niemann replaced Dowd as Monmouth County Republican chairman.

Today, both the Monmouth County Democratic and Republican parties are experiencing change. What direction these changes take may ultimately be tied to Lynch’s involvement in both parties and Kyrillos’ involvement with Lynch.

(A request for an interview with Sen. Lynch was not answered by this article’s deadline.)

1997 Bergen Record Article

The Record (Bergen County, NJ)

May 9, 1997

RULE MAKERS, RULE BREAKERS
LEGISLATORS ARE BIG TRAFFIC VIOLATORS

Author: By NEAL THOMPSON, Staff Writer
Edition: All Editions
Section: NEWS
Page: a01

Correction: A graphic Friday incorrectly stated that state Assemblywoman Loretta Weinberg, D-Teaneck, and state Sen. Joseph Bubba, R-Wayne, had been convicted of driving while uninsured. The notation on their records referred to an inquiry by the Division of Motor Vehicles into the status of their insurance policies. No violations were found, according to the DMV. (Ran Saturday, May 10,1997 pA

Article Text:

When state Sen. Dick LaRossa proposed raising the speed limit to 65 mph on some New Jersey roads last year, it was a pitch by someone who knows about speeding: He has been ticketed five times for going too fas

Among his peers at the State House, LaRossa, R-Mercer County, is far from alone. An analysis by The Record of the current driving records of New Jersey's 120 state legislators found that nearly 60 percent have some type of traffic violation.

That's almost quadruple the rate of the general population: Fifteen percent of New Jersey's 5.8 million drivers have violations on their current records, according to the Division of Motor Vehicles.

Some of the infractions are only indirectly related to driving, such as bouncing a check to the DMV, and many occurred before the legislators were in office, the records show. They include suspensions for failing to pay parking tickets. Although some records date back many years, others co! ver shorter periods because records are expunged after five years without a violation.

Speeding was the most common offense. Fifty-one lawmakers have at least one speeding ticket on their current records, including Assemblywoman Marion Crecco of Bloomfield, chairwoman of the Law and Public Safety Committee, who was clocked at 85 mph in 1978, before she was elected. Twenty-five have been caught more than once, and two have been caught seven times.

"I'm human. Once in a while, we tend to err," said Crecco.

Four legislators have 10 or more motor vehicle offenses on their records, and two accumulated so many violation points that the state suspended their licenses and sent them to a driver improvement program.

Traffic violations are a hot topic of debate in Trenton this year, as legislators work to revamp the auto insurance system.

One bill being considered would eliminate insurance penalties for speeders caught driving less than 15 mph above th! e speed limit. The bill's sponsor in the Assembly is Sean Dalton, D-C amden County. He has been caught speeding three times all before he was elected.

"I've become a better driver since I've joined the Legislature," said Dalton. He said there was no correlation between his past offenses and his support of the bill.

The Legislature also is considering a bill that would eliminate insurance surcharges for minor traffic infractions. The Senate sponsor: LaRossa. He said there's no connection between his bills and his record, and he attributed his speeding convictions the last one in 1988 to "youthful exuberance."

"That was almost four years before I was sworn in," he said. "I would respectfully ask the question: What's the point?"

Among the findings by The Record's analysis of legislators' driving records, which were provided upon request by the DMV:

Nine legislators had their licenses suspended for not paying parking tickets. They include Assemblywoman Joan M. Quigley, D-Jersey City, in 1994 and Sen. Berna! rd Kenny, D-Hoboken, in 1995 both sponsors of a bill to "give greater protection to motorists" whose licenses are suspended for failing to pay parking tickets.

Nineteen lawmakers have violation records that add up to 10 or more points. That's 16 percent of the Legislature compared with 2 percent of all state drivers with that many points.

Assembly Majority Whip Christopher "Kip" Bateman, R-Somerset County, and Assemblyman Craig Stanley, D-Essex County, have carried 12 or more points on their licenses at once, prompting the state to send them to a driver improvement program. Bateman, who was elected in 1994, took his class in 1993. Stanley took his in 1992, four years before his election.

Stanley's 14 offenses nine of them since 1990 give him the most of any legislator. His driving record runs 11 pages and includes three violations for driving while his license was suspended and three for speeding. "I know that looks bad," said Stanley, a first! -term Democrat from Irvington. "But 10 to 15 years ago, a lot of us d id things that we wouldn't necessarily do now." Stanley's most recent speeding ticket was issued last year.

Two lawmakers, Sen. Joseph Kyrillos, R-Monmouth County, and Assemblyman Francis Blee, R-Atlantic County, were convicted of drunken driving. Both violations occurred more than 15 years ago, before either was elected.

Fifty legislators have no violations on their current records. They include North Jersey Sens. Gerald Cardinale, Byron Baer, John Girgenti, Louis Kosco, and Henry McNamara, and Assembly members Paul DiGaetano, Nicholas Felice, Rose Heck, John Rooney, and Charles "Ken" Zisa.

Others haven't had a ticket since joining the Legislature. But, then again, lawmakers enjoy exemptions that average drivers only dream of: special license plates and immunity from arrest while traveling to state meetings.

"I've never heard of any legislator abusing that privilege," said state police spokesman Al Della Fave. But John Tiene of the New Jersey In! surance News Service, a consortium of New Jersey auto insurers, said it would take a "bold police officer" to knowingly ticket a member of the Legislature.

Still, 34 legislators have been ticketed in office, led by Sen. William E. Schluter, R-Mercer County, chairman of the Joint Committee on Ethical Standards, whose seven violations date back to 1976. He was elected in 1968.

Sen. Jim McGreevey of Middlesex County a Democratic candidate for governor was ticketed for speeding in 1990, his first year in Trenton, and for careless driving in 1995.

"Jim McGreevey is not unlike a lot of motorists in New Jersey who have to deal with congested roadways and other driving obstacles," said Rich McGrath, a spokesman for McGreevey's campaign. "We make no excuses. He's made his share of mistakes on the road, and he's paid the required fines

Copyright 1997 Bergen Record Corp.

Report cards are in on state legislators

Published in the September 1, 2005 issue of The Courier.

Report cards are in on state legislators

By JACKIE CORLEY

How big of an advocate is your legislator for you?

The New Jersey Public Interest Research Group (NJPIRG) released its election-year scorecard on New Jersey legislators on Tuesday.

NJPIRG is a state advocacy organization that lobbies on behalf of public interest issues such as the environment, consumer rights and campaign finance reform, among others.

According to NJPIRG’s website, the 2005 scorecard rated senators on 12 votes and members of the assembly on 13 specific votes or stated positions relating to public interest issues.

In the 11th District, Assemblymen Steve Corodemus and Sean T. Kean, both R-Monmouth, received a rating of 76.9 percent. Corodemus lost points with NJPIRG for voting against the Clean Elections Pilot Program, the Energy Efficiency Act, and reestablishment of the Office of the Public Advocate. Kean lost points for voting against the Clean Elections Pilot Program and the reestablishment of the Office of the Public Advocate, as well as for voting in favor of the Developer’s Fast Track Law. Notably, Corodemus and Kean introduced an alternate Clean Elections Pilot Program bill correcting perceived inadequacies in the legislation that was eventually passed.

State Sen. Joseph Palaia, R-Monmouth, received a score of 66.7 percent. The 11th District senator lost points with NJPIRG for voting against the Clean Elections Pilot Program and the reestablishment of the Office of the Public Advocate, and for voting in favor of the Developer’s Fast Track Law. Palaia was absent for three of the votes marked on the NJPIRG scored.

In the 12th District, Assemblymen Robert Morgan and Michael Panter, D-Monmouth, received perfect scores under NJPIRG’s checklist. State Sen. Ellen Karcher, D-Monmouth, received a score of 90.9 percent from the organization. Karcher lost points with the group for not supporting NJPIRG’s designated public interest position to bring to the senate floor a pay-to-play vote enabling local governments to keep statutes stronger than the state’s pay-to-play regulations.

In the 13th District, Assemblyman Joseph Azzolina received a score of 76.9 percent from NJPIRG, and Assemblyman Samuel Thompson received a score of 61.5 percent. Azzolina lost points with the group for voting against the Clean Elections Pilot Program, and the reestablishment of the Office of the Public Advocate and the NJ Clean Cars Act requiring carmakers to sell a portion of cars that use advanced pollution technology. Thompson lost points for voting against the NJ Clean Cars Act, the Clean Elections Pilot Program and the reestablishment of the Office of the Public Advocate; for supporting the Developer’s Fast Track Law; and for not co-sponsoring Fast Track Repeal Law legislation.

State Sen. Joe Kyrillos, R-Monmouth, received a score of 58.3 percent from NJPIRG. Kyrillos lost points with the organization for voting against the Clean Elections Pilot Program, the Energy Efficiency Act and the reestablishment of the Office of the Public Advocate; for supporting the Developer’s Fast Track Law; and for not co-sponsoring the Fast Track Repeal Law.

Abigail Caplovitz, legislative advocate for NJPIRG, said that the organization was pleased with the overall scores of the state legislature. She noted that a third of the members of the state’s governing body received a score of over 90 percent, which they counted as an “A.” Legislators who scored under 60 percent were noted by the organization as having particularly low scores on public interest issues, Caplovitz said.

“This scorecard shows that NJ in general has a large number of legislators acting in the public interest,” Caplovitz said.

Visit http://www.njpirg.org for more information on the organization.

SIDEBAR:

Courtesy NJPIRG, the organization’s explanation of the
votes it scored. Visit www.njpirg.org for more information.

S2351: NJ Clean Cars Act: Would clean up smog and cancer causing air pollution by requiring carmakers to sell a small portion of cars that use advanced pollution control technology. The pollution reduction is equal to taking 2 million cars off New Jersey’s roads. Voted January 12, 2004: S2351 (A3393)

S1: Highlands Water Planning and Preservation Act: Preserves 400,000 acres in the State’s northern region, which holds almost half our water resources. Limits development of another 400,000 acres in a surrounding region. Voted June 10, 2004: S1 (A2635)

A1: Clean Elections: Establishes a pilot project to test the efficacy of public financed elections in New Jersey. The pilot will include two districts in 2005 and four in 2007. Voted June 10, 2004: A1 (S3)

S1368: Developer’s Fast Track Law: This law requires New Jersey’s Department of Environmental Protection to evaluate and decide on permit applications within 45 days. If the DEP does not deny the permit in that time, the permit automatically issues. This short review timeframe means that complex projects will not receive the kind of thoughtful review necessary, risking “rubber-stamp” permits. Equally bad, this timeframe makes meaningful public participation in the review process nearly impossible. Scheduling, publicizing, holding and responding to a public hearing can take 45 days, notwithstanding all of the other pieces of evaluating a permit. Voted June 17, 2004: S1368 (A3008)

S2157 / A3650: Co-Sponsors Fast Track Repeal Law: Unlike the other components of the score, this one is not a vote because this bill did not come up for vote. Instead, we’re tracking the legislators who have indicated support for repealing the developer’s fast track law by sponsoring the repeal legislation. (S2157 / A3650)

A516: Energy Efficiency Act: Reduces energy use in the state by about 1% by setting minimum energy efficiency standards on eight common household and commercial electronics such as exit signs, standing lamps, commercial washers and more. Voted January 24, 2005: A516 (S332)

A1500: Pay to Play I: Then-Governor McGreevy issued an executive order banning pay to play at the county and state level. The legislature then codified this executive order by passing A1500. Codifying this legislation took two votes; the original version of A1500 was not clearly constitutional, so Acting Governor Codey conditionally vetoed it, and then the Legislature passed it including Codey’s conditions. Votes in favor of passage in both situations were counted as the public interest position in this situation. A1500 (S2052)

A3013: Pay to Play II (Assembly Version): The statewide pay to play standards, when they take effect, will invalidate all existing local pay to play standards. They will also prevent localities from passing stronger standards even if they previously had stronger standards. This “enabling” bill would remedy this problem, and allow localities to protect their stronger standards. Voted November 15, 2004: A3013

S1698/A3013: Pay to Play II (Senate Version): The statewide pay to play standards, when they take effect, will invalidate all existing local pay to play standards, and prevent localities from passing stronger standards even if they previously had stronger standards. This “enabling” bill would remedy this problem, and allow localities to protect their stronger standards. The bill was not moving in the Senate. Supporters used an unusual parliamentary move to try to force the Senate to act. The Senate responded by voting to prevent the bill from being voted upon, ensuring that it would continue not to move without forcing Senators to vote against it. Vote to table: June 27, 2005: S1698/A3013

A1424: Public Advocate: Reestablishes the Office of Public Advocate which assists state residents with problems and concerns and acts to remedy problems on their behalf. Voted June 23, 2005: A1424 (S541)

A4001: Identity Theft Prevention: Provides comprehensive identity theft protection. Voted June 23, 2005: A4001 (S1914)

SCR113: Reduce Diesel Air Pollution: Gives $160 million to clean the buses and trucks as mandated by A3182. Voters must ratify this funding by passing a ballot issue in 2005. Voted June 20, 2005: SCR113 (ACR228).

A3182: Reduce Diesel Air Pollution: Cleans up 30,000 school buses, commuter and transit buses and publicly owned trucks. Voted June 27, 2005: A3182 (S1759).

A1077: Anti-SLAPP Suit: Protects citizen activists who speak out against corporations, developers or any other powerful entity that would hope to intimidate them for speaking out. SLAPP suits, or Strategic Litigation against Public Participation, are not uncommon in NJ. This legislation was not acted upon by the Senate. We will be working to pass it this session. Voted July 2, 2005: A1077

Kyrillos's 20-Day Post-Election Report

The following are screen captures of New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission documents of state Senator Joseph M. Kyrillos, Jr., Republican - Monmouth/Middlesex, for his primary 2001 election.

These documents show contributions missing the last digits of the year they were made.

(Click thumbnails for larger documents.)

Kyrillos's 11-Day Pre-Election Report

The following are screen captures of New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission documents of state Senator Joseph M. Kyrillos, Jr., Republican - Monmouth/Middlesex, for his primary 2001 election.

These documents show contributions from two different years, though the report was only supposed to display 18 days worth of financial transaction.

(Click thumbnails for larger documents.)

Discrepancies blaring in Kyrillos’s ELEC reports

Published in the August 18, 2005 issue of The Courier.

Discrepancies blaring in Kyrillos’s ELEC reports

By JACKIE CORLEY

Are missing dates in state Sen. Joe Kyrillos’s primary 2001 election reports a deliberate omission or a clerical mistake?

Four of Kyrillos’s 2001 election forms, three of which were typed and one of which was handwritten, are missing the last digit of the year of contributions made for that election cycle.

The four election reports in question are: Kyrillos’s July 15, 2000 quarterly report, received by the Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) on July 25, 2000; the October 15, 2000 quarterly report, received by ELEC on October 27, 2000; the 29-day pre-election report for Kyrillos’s June 19, 2001 primary, received by ELEC on June 1, 2001; and the 20-day post-election report, received by ELEC on July 17, 2001.

A search on ELEC’s website lists the years of the more than 300 contributions in question. This is done under the years the reports for the contributions were issued.
However, the election reports themselves fail to include the last digit of the year of the over 300 contributions, seven of which were handwritten without the final digit into the 20-day post-election report.

For example, Ronald Gravino made a $2,200 contribution to Kyrillos’s primary campaign. The date of the contribution is hand written as “7/03/200” and included in the 20-day post report.

Notably, Gravino lists his address as PO Box 225, Colonia, NJ 07067, the same address used by gubernatorial candidate Douglas Forrester and the “Forrester For Governor” campaign in contributions made to Monmouth County Republicans during 2004 and 2005. Gravino is the treasurer for Forrester’s campaign for governor, according to the candidate’s official website.

The omission of the final digit of the year is repeated throughout in over 50 pages of documents.

Also curious is the election date listed in Kyrillos’s 11-day post-election report and his 20-day post-election report. While ELEC documents show the two reports were received by the commission on June 15, 2001 and July 17, 2001, respectively, for the June 19, 2001 primary election, both handwritten documents list the election date as “6/19/2000.”

All other reports for the 2001 primary list the election date as June 2001.
Additionally, Kyrillos’s 11-day pre-election report lists contributions made in two different years. The “Schedule A” of every election report filed by a candidate for office lists all monetary contributions over $400.

Kyrillos’s “Schedule A” for the 11-day pre-election report is four pages long. The first page includes five contributions handwritten as having been made on “06/07/01”; the second page includes five contributions handwritten as having been made on “6-7-2000”; the third page includes two contributions handwritten as having been made on “6-7-2000”, with three slots for listing additional contributions left blank; and the final page includes five contributions handwritten as having been made on “06/07/01.”

Kyrillos’s July 15, 2000 quarterly report also appears to have a discrepancy in its “Schedule A” form. Each type-written page of the report includes a subtotal, also typed, adding all monetary contributions over $300.

The second to last subtotal in the “Schedule A” lists the amount of contributions as $139,500. However, on the last page of the “Schedule A,” which includes a $500 contribution, this subtotal is handwritten as $138,200. The $138,200 amount was reported as the total amount of contributions in excess of $300.

Election Law

Currently, election law states that the following information must be reported for each contribution made: “1. The date the contribution was received or, if more than one contribution was received in the reporting period, the dates the aggregate contributions were received; 2. The name and mailing address of the contributor; 3. If the contributor is an individual, the occupation of the individual and the name and mailing address of the individual’s employer…; 4. The amount of the contribution, or amount of aggregate contributions in the reporting period; and 5. The total amount of all contributions received from the contributor in the election to date.”

Election law further stipulates that any candidate or treasurer “who omits or incorrectly states or certifies any of the information required by law to be included in [an ELEC] report…shall, in addition to any other penalty provided by law, be liable to a penalty of not more than $6,000 for the first offense and not more than $12,000 for the second and each subsequent offense.”

Treasurer’s Report

William A. Meyler, Middletown, a certified public accountant listed as the treasurer for the Senator Kyrillos Committee on the ELEC reports cited here, said he is not Kyrillos’s treasurer, though he does help in filing the veteran senator’s reports.

Meyler said he could not comment at this time on the missing years on the 50 pages of reports, as the documentation was completed some four years ago.

Any additions or corrections to the reports must be filed as an amendment with ELEC. There are currently no amendments to the reports in question.

To view the reports, visit http://www.bayshorenews.com.

Kyrillos's 29-Day Pre-Election Report

The following are screen captures of New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission documents of state Senator Joseph M. Kyrillos, Jr., Republican - Monmouth/Middlesex, for his primary 2001 election.

These documents show contributions missing the last digits of the year they were made.

(Click thumbnails for larger documents.)

Kyrillos's October 2000 Quarterly ELEC Report

The following are screen captures of New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission documents of state Senator Joseph M. Kyrillos, Jr., Republican - Monmouth/Middlesex, for his primary 2001 election.

These documents show contributions missing the last digits of the year they were made.

(Click thumbnails for larger documents.)

Kyrillos's July 2000 Quarterly ELEC Report

The following are screen captures of New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission documents of state Senator Joseph M. Kyrillos, Jr., Republican - Monmouth/Middlesex, for his primary 2001 election.

These documents show contributions missing the last digits of the year they were made.

(Click thumbnails for larger documents.)

Tierra Del Sol: The tale of the tape

Published in the August 11, 2005 issue of The Courier.

Tierra Del Sol: The tale of the tape

By JACKIE CORLEY

Last week, The Courier reported that officials in Keansburg felt that state Sen. Joe Kyrillos was putting pressure on them to contact the Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) on behalf of developer Leonard Rubinstein.

Kyrillos firmly denies the charge, noting that he was merely addressing a “constituent service issue” on behalf of Rubinstein, a long-time friend who happened to be a campaign contributor. On May 10, 2005, the DEP rejected a water permit application of Rubinstein’s Keansburg project, Tierra Del Sol.

While Keansburg officials and Kyrillos disagree about the nature of the discussions that took place, both parties confirmed the existence of a voicemail message the senator left at Keansburg Borough Manager Terence Wall’s office.

Wall said that Kyrillos’s voicemail made him feel “uncomfortable” and he did not return the call. The date the message was left is not known.

Shortly after receiving the message, Wall played it to members of the governing body, who asked him not to delete the call.

Deputy Mayor Drew Murray said he was “taken aback” when he heard the message Kyrillos left Wall.

“Here I am running around as an elected official, we as a town are trying to reach out to him to help us with our water problem, to help us with our schools, and he has the audacity to call us up about his buddy who gave him money to say help turn on the water. Is that what it takes for you to help us with something? Give you money?” Murray said. “Why should a senator be worried about helping developers? Don’t tell me that it’s your job to make phone calls.”

What was said in the voicemail?

The Courier filed an Open Public Records Act request, specifically asking for copies of all documents and official correspondences pertaining to the Rubinstein project, including the voicemail message.

The transcript of the minute-long message is as follows: “Hey Terence, it’s Joe Kyrillos calling, hope all is well. It’s Thursday afternoon. Terence, you may know a guy named Len Rubinstein, [he] actually lives in Holmdel. He’s got a development project in Keansburg he’s trying to [coughing], excuse me, commence. I’ve talked to the mayor about it a couple times to find out if he thinks it’s a good project. He assures me that he thinks it is a good project. And I guess, he’s been really hung up on a water issue. He tells me that New Jersey American Water Company has some arrangements with the town that you have to execute. The DEP is going to make him refile all his permits. He’ll lose, he’ll probably lose six to nine months if he can’t do what he has to do I think in the next 30 or so days. I’m not sure how long he has. Can you look into it and if it’s the right thing to do to get this thing executed and not lose the potential for this project, we can get it going? If you want to talk about it, I’m at (732) [deleted].”

History of the project

The Rubinstein project stems back to November 18, 2002 when the Keansburg Planning Board of Adjustment approved an application by Executive Development, LLC, a company owned and operated by Rubinstein.

Rubinstein’s proposal called for 48 condominium/townhouse units on 2.7 acres of land on Beachway, between Laurel Avenue and Oakwood Place and bordering the Raritan Bay. The parcels surrounding the Rubinstein property are designated as a flood plain, according to a consolidation deed prepared August 5, 2004.

During the November 18, 2002 vote, the Planning Board of Adjustment found that “the proposed development would improve an under-utilized lot and have a positive economic impact on the area.”

The board approved the resolution with five members voting in favor of the application, one voting against it and three members abstaining.

From 2002 until 2005, Executive Development, LLC sought various approvals from the DEP that stalled the project during that time.

Shortly after Wall became borough manager of Keansburg in February 2005, he commissioned Public Works Director Dennis O’Keefe to review various aspects of the Rubinstein project.

O’Keefe, in a memorandum issued to Wall, took the project to task for the applicant’s failure to “resolve…major areas of concern,” including solid waste removal, drainage and landscaping issues, as wells as incomplete documentation.

“There seems to be too many unanswered questions regarding compliance issues for this project. I recommend that the borough engineer along with the borough attorney review this application and report to the Office of the Borough Manager with their findings. The applicant has an extension until November 2005 to start this project. Permits should not be issued until all compliance issues are resolved,” O’Keefe wrote.

In the early months of 2005, Keansburg’s water allotment troubles were still looming, and the Rubinstein project was likely not going to receive a necessary approval from the DEP unless the borough stepped in.

Kyrillos’s involvement

Leonard Rubinstein and his associated companies have regularly contributed to Kyrillos’s campaigns since 1997. From October 2001 to April 2005, Rubinstein and his companies gave Kyrillos at least $5,450, according to Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) reports.

The funds were contributed as follows: two $1,000 contributions on October 26, 2001; a $2,200 contribution on October 27, 2004; a $500 contribution on December 14, 2004, which was returned on January 20, 2005; a $500 contribution on February 9, 2005; and a $250 contribution on April 11, 2005.

In March and April 2005, Wall said he received several phone calls from Kyrillos and officials who said Kyrillos had contacted them on behalf of Rubinstein.

Kyrillos said that he had known Rubinstein and his family for over 15 years. When the “Restore the Pride” council came into power, Kyrillos said Rubinstein had difficulty communicating with the new administration and asked the senator for his assistance.

“There was a change in administration, and he couldn’t get his calls returned. He couldn’t communicate in any way and he asked me for help. And I think I called the mayor at the time when he took office, and I said, ‘George (Hoff), communicate with this guy. Talk to him, meet with him and if it’s a good project, great; if it’s a bad project, tell him that. But at least have the courtesy to communicate with him; he’s a landowner in the town.’ And that’s what I do. That’s part of my job,” Kyrillos said. “If he had his issue with the DEP—I think he did that on his own. If he had asked me to help get a meeting with the DEP, I’d have done that, but he didn’t, he already had it. At some point, his permit was going to expire. I called Terence, I left a voice mail. I said, ‘Look, will you talk to this guy.’ And that’s what the town ought to be doing, that’s what they’re paid to do.”

Wall, however, said the borough was responsive to calls placed to his office.

“The specific parties would agree that their calls are returned. My door is always opened. It’s opened to all residents and property owners in the town,” Wall said.

While Kyrillos said he did not contact the DEP, the state senator did contact the New Jersey American Water Company, according to public documents.

A phone message and a note written by Wall state that David Legg of the New Jersey American Water Company contacted the borough manager after speaking with Kyrillos.

Wall’s note reads: “David Legg stated that Joe Kyrillos spoke to him several times re: water contract.”

Legg confirmed that the conversations between himself and Kyrillos took place regarding water availability and the “debate” going on between Rubinstein and the Borough Council.

Kyrillos denied that the campaign contributions amounted to influence peddling or a conflict of interest in discussing the Rubinstein project with Keansburg officials.

Kyrillos has some support

In a press release, four members of Keansburg’s Republican Organization issued statements supporting Kyrillos and the work he has done for the borough.

“When our new council majority met with the senator after the election, we spoke of some redevelopment and about our neighboring communities already attracting some beautiful projects. I am tired of seeing empty unsightly land not being developed as well. Who else could give us better advise than our senator?” Keansburg Republican Chair Mary Foley said.

Former Keansburg Republican Chairman Sam Arguinzoni said he did not believe Kyrillos would ever place pressure on local officials.

“I have known and worked with Joe Kyrillos for many years as chairman of the Republican Party and I know Joe Kyrillos would never pressure anyone; it is not his style,” Arguinzoni said.

The borough is still in talks with Rubinstein regarding Tierra Del Sol.

(The voicemail message left by Kyrillos can be heard at http://www.bayshorenews.com.)

Morris money continues to flow

Published in the August 11, 2005 issue of The Courier.

Morris money continues to flow

By JACKIE CORLEY

Money from Piscataway-based developer Jack Morris continues to flow to Monmouth County coffers.

With the July 15 quarterly election reports available on-line at the Election Law Enforcement Commission’s (ELEC) website, additional disbursements of money to state Sen. Joe Kyrillos, R-Monmouth, from Morris and his associates and companies have been found.

In March 2001, Democrat-controlled Aberdeen and Republican-controlled Matawan joined into an interlocal services agreement for the redevelopment of the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station.

In September 2002, five teams submitted plans for the project in response to the interlocal agency’s request for proposals (RFP).

Richard Coppola, planner for the interlocal agency, endorsed a proposal by Silver Oaks Properties saying, “This proposal most closely meets the agency’s plan that has been endorsed by both the [Matawan] Borough Council and the [Aberdeen] Township Council.” Aberdeen agreed, selecting Silver Oaks Properties as the town’s redeveloper

A plan introduced by Morris’s company, the Columbia Group, was deemed “not consistent with the interlocal agency’s vision of the redevelopment project. However, Matawan broke with the agency’s assessment and chose the Columbia Group, along with K. Hovnanian and Mack-Cali Realty, as the redevelopment team for the borough in a resolution adopted December 3, 2002.

From April 1999 to April 2004, Morris, his companies and individuals employed by his companies contributed $47,200 to Kyrillos’s campaign funds.

On October 2, 2001, $5,600 from a $10,000 contribution made on October 1, 2001 by JSM @ New Durham LLC was refunded. Additionally, on February 23, 2005, a day after that infamous day in Monmouth’s history when 11 officials were taken away in handcuffs on bribery and corruption charges, Kyrillos’s campaign returned five $1,800 contributions to Morris and his wife.

According to the new July 15, 2005 ELEC report, Morris’s wife, a principal in the couple’s companies, contributed $2,600 to Kyrillos on June 9, 2005 and Edgewood Properties, a Morris company, contributed $2,600, also on June 9, 2005. On June 20, 2005, $2,200 of the $2,600 was returned to Edgewood Properties.

Thus, the amount of Morris money collected over four election cycles and remaining in Kyrillos’s campaign coffers now stands at $35,600.

Aberdeen Township Manager Mark Coren said Kyrillos expressed a preference for the Columbia Group’s proposal in a meeting that took place with former Matawan Borough Administrator Joe Leo in Kyrillos’s offices in December 2002.

Kyrillos denied lobbying on behalf of Morris’s company and said he believed the proposal issued by Silver Oaks Properties, which called for some 2 million square footage of commercial and office space between the two municipalities, was not consistent with the character of the area.

During a press conference held Thursday, July 21, Democrat candidate for assembly Michael Dasaro called on the Office of the State Attorney General to investigate the financial relationship between Kyrillos and Morris.

In a written statement handed out at the press conference, Dasaro’s runningmate, William Flynn, called on Kyrillos to return all money the senator received from Morris, as he believed it represented a conflict of interest.

Kyrillos called the press conference “laughable” and a “political stunt.” Whether Flynn’s call for the Morris money to be returned will go unheeded remains to be seen: the July 15, 2005 ELEC report only takes into account money received or returned from April 1, 2005 to June 30, 2005.

The next quarterly report, which is due October 15, 2005, will detail all contributions received or returned from July 1, 2005 to September 30, 2005.

Clifton to return money from Morris-funded PAC

Published in the August 11, 2005 issue of The Courier.

Clifton to return money from Morris-funded PAC

By JACKIE CORLEY

After learning that the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government was significantly funded by developer Jack Morris, former Matawan mayor and Freeholder Rob Clifton said he will return the $5,000 he received from the political action committee (PAC).

As first reported in the Thursday, July 28 issue of The Courier, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government, an East Brunswick-based PAC, received significant funding from Morris, his wife and associated companies. The group, formed on July 3, 2003, contributed $5,000 to Clifton’s successful general freeholder election.

From July 2003 to June 17, 2004, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government raised $93,200 and distributed $62,600 of that in campaign contributions.

Significant contributions made to the PAC came from such development and construction heavyweights as Jingoli Construction, Ferreira Construction and the Columbia Group, among others.

The Columbia Group, a company owned and operated by Morris in Piscataway, is the lead redeveloper for Matawan in the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Redevelopment Project.

The Columbia Group’s plan, as described in a September 23, 2002 memorandum from Richard Coppola, planner for the interlocal agency formed by Aberdeen and Matawan, included 1,000 residential dwelling units and did not meet the specifications detailed by the interlocal services agreement.

The Matawan Borough Council selected the Columbia Group as its redeveloper in a resolution passed December 3, 2002. Matawan was subsequently sued by Silver Oaks Properties, the company selected by Aberdeen to serve as its redeveloper for the project. The issue is still in litigation.

On September 25, 2003, Jack Morris, his wife and his business partner each contributed $7,200 to the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government.

Furthermore, another company Morris is employed by, Marlboro Routes 9 & 520 Development Company LLC, located at 69 Century Drive in Clifton, contributed $3,200 on September 25, 2003.

The $24,800 represented about 27 percent of the $93,200 in the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government’s coffers by June 17, 2004, the largest share held by any associated group of individuals who contributed to the PAC by that time.

Additionally, the Columbia Group and Smith Street Properties, another Morris company, each contributed $7,200 to the PAC some time between July 2004 and September 2004. ELEC reports filed by the PAC do not specify an exact date.

The majority of the $62,600 distributed by the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government went to candidates in northern counties in the state. However, Clifton, who was mayor of Matawan at the time the borough’s governing body selected the Columbia Group as its lead redeveloper, was the only Monmouth official to receive funds from the year-old PAC.

On June 17, 2004, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government contributed $5,000 to Clifton’s freeholder election fund. Clifton raised a total of $19,650 in contributions over $400 for the 2004 freeholder election, in which Freeholder Amy Handlin was his running mate. Thus, the $5,000 contribution made by the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government represented 25 percent of the total contributions over $400 made to Clifton’s election fund.

In addition to contributions made to office seekers, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government also contributed $24,000 to the New Jersey Republican State Committee on October 1, 2004, when state Sen. Joe Kyrillos was chair of the party.

Clifton to return money

At the Tuesday, August 2 meeting of the Matawan Borough Council, Clifton was on hand to swear-in Councilwoman Victoria Allen to the seat vacated by former Councilman Michael Cannon.

When questioned about the $5,000 contribution, Clifton said he was not aware that Morris significantly funded the PAC and, since being made aware of that fact, planned to return the money.

“When I received a letter from David Himmelman, who was the head of it – the attorney, and CC’ed on that was Jack Sinagra, who is a former Republican state senator. When I did some background checking on it—I also asked the state Republican Committee to check it—[I saw] it was bi-partisan. It gave to Assemblyman Bill Baroni. It gave to a [Democrat] Union County Surrogate candidate and the Burlington County Republican Party,” Clifton said.

“So, as I did some background checking, I honestly didn’t check into who had donated to the PAC. But from the indications I had gotten from Democrats and Republicans, it was a legitimate political action committee and that’s why I took it. Now, in hindsight, seeing who is the developer in question who contributed, I’m going to give the money back,” Clifton concluded.

Matawan defends choice of Columbia Group

Published in the August 11, 2005 issue of The Courier.

Matawan defends choice of Columbia Group

Members of the Matawan Borough Council defended the borough’s selection of the Columbia Group as its lead redeveloper for the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Project. Meanwhile, former Matawan Councilman Michael Cannon recounts a version of events that directly contradicts statements issued by fellow Republicans, including state Sen. Joe Kyrillos.

By JACKIE CORLEY

Members of the Matawan Borough Council are not taking recent press reports and calls for investigation into the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Redevelopment Project lightly.

At the August 2 meeting of the Matawan Borough Council, Councilman and Matawan Republican Chair Paul Buccellato and Councilwoman Debra Buragina held an impromptu public information session on the project. Freeholder and former Matawan Mayor Rob Clifton attended the meeting.

“Reading the newspaper accounts of this project, one would have to believe that Matawan was wrong and that Aberdeen was right,” Buccellato said. “Number one, New Jersey Transit has endorsed this plan (the Columbia Group’s plan selected by Matawan). Number two, the Asbury Park Press has endorsed it, or favors it. And the state of New Jersey endorsed [the plan] by designating Matawan one of 14 municipalities in the state to be designated as a transit village. Everyone can’t be wrong and Aberdeen right.”

Aberdeen Township Manager Mark Coren said he has seen no official documents pertaining to any endorsement by New Jersey Transit for the Columbia Group’s plan.
Coren also critiqued the transit village designation.

“The designation of Matawan as a transit village is part of this whole process. [Columbia Group principal Jack] Morris’s representative said at presentations heard by officials from both towns prior to the designation [of the Columbia Group as Matawan’s redeveloper] that they were the local team and have friends in state government and can get things done,” Coren said.

Coren noted that, while areas of Matawan surround the train station, the station itself lies within Aberdeen.

Coren said, “How could Matawan even apply for a transit village designation when they don’t have a train station in their town?”

During the August 2 Matawan meeting, Buccellato said an official agreement had not been signed with Morris, but that a resolution had merely been passed designating the Columbia Group the borough lead redeveloper. The borough was still in the process of negotiating, Buccellato said.

“The mayor and council that is sitting up here presently, the freeholder (Clifton), we would not sell Matawan down the drain,” Buccellato said.

An audience member called out, “You already did.”

History of the project

In March 2001, Democrat-controlled Aberdeen and Republican-controlled Matawan joined into an interlocal services agreement for the redevelopment of the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station.

In the early stages of the project, Aberdeen Township Manager Mark Coren said he worked closely with former Matawan Borough Administrator and current Middlesex County Republican Chair Joe Leo.

“Joe Leo was a real ace in this whole process. There wasn’t a problem that he and I couldn’t sit down and discuss,” Coren said. “He was an honest broker. I can’t say that for the people he was working for.”

In September 2002, five teams submitted plans for the project in response to the interlocal agency’s request for proposals (RFP).

Richard Coppola, planner for the interlocal agency, endorsed a proposal by Silver Oaks Properties saying, “This proposal most closely meets the agency’s plan that has been endorsed by both the [Matawan] Borough Council and the [Aberdeen] Township Council.” Aberdeen agreed, selecting Silver Oaks Properties as the town’s redeveloper.

A plan introduced by Morris’s company, the Columbia Group, was deemed “not consistent” with the interlocal agency’s vision of the redevelopment project. However, Matawan broke with the agency’s assessment and chose the Columbia Group, along with K. Hovnanian and Mack-Cali Realty, as the redevelopment team for the borough in a resolution adopted December 3, 2002.

On two occasions, once in November 2000 and once on or about December 16, 2002, Coren and Leo met with Kyrillos to discuss the redevelopment project.

Coren said that the first meeting was productive. “The senator told us the two towns should work together and hold a public process that was fair and open,” Coren said.

The second meeting, however, was not a positive one, in Coren’s opinion. “It was the first time that it became clear to Joe Leo and myself that there was a preference made by a state senator.”

Kyrillos confirmed that the two meetings occurred but denied that he lobbied on behalf of the Columbia Group.

However, Michael Dasaro, a Democrat candidate for the 13th District Assembly, called the timing and amount of the contributions from Morris to Kyrillos “a little strange” at a press conference on Thursday, July 21 at the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station.

From April 1999 to June 2005, Morris, his companies and individuals employed by his companies contributed $50,200 to Kyrillos’s campaign funds.

“A quick review of the timeline shows that: one, the municipalities entered into an interlocal services agreement; two, the Columbia Group’s proposal was inconsistent with the plan; three, Sen. Kyrillos lobbied on behalf of [the] Columbia [Group] in Republican-controlled Matawan; four, [the] Columbia [Group] is designated redeveloper in Matawan; and five, Sen. Kyrillos backs then-Matawan Mayor Rob Clifton over long time Freeholder Ed Stominski in the 2004 freeholder election,” Dasaro said. “The residents of the 13th District can no longer sit idly by as their quality of life is bought and sold for campaign contributions and political support.”

Former Matawan councilman
defends Coren, Leo

Former Matawan Councilman Michael Cannon, a Republican, said recent newspaper coverage of the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Redevelopment Project has led him to believe that former Matawan Borough Administrator Joe Leo was fired for a different reason than what Cannon was originally told.

“Joe Leo and Mark Coren got along very well. I think [some members of the council] were afraid that Mark and Joe Leo were getting along too well,” Cannon said. “Mr. Leo told me a number of times that there would have to be a compromise [between the two towns] on the train station redevelopment. I think those turned out to be prophetic words. I don’t think that some people on Matawan’s side wanted to hear that.”

Cannon, who was a member of the Matawan Borough Council from January 2001 until July 2005, said he believed that Matawan officials have painted an unfair portrait of Coren.

“Matawan tries to portray Coren as an all or nothing type of guy. I don’t think that’s the case. The bottom line is you have to be honest enough to look back and say does [Coren] achieve things? The answer is yes. If Matawan ran the town half as good as Mark runs his own town, we’d be a lot better off,” Cannon said.
Additionally, Cannon’s account of events that took place while the fate of the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Redevelopment Project was being decided contradict statements made by Kyrillos.

Cannon said that, while Kyrillos never contacted him directly, he did recall a conversation with Councilman Joe Penniplede, now deceased, in which Penniplede said Kyrillos placed a phone call to him and discussed the train station project.

“[Kyrillos] wanted to know [from Penniplede] how I felt on the train station redevelopment,” Cannon said.

However, Kyrillos firmly denied that he ever met or even spoke to any member of the Matawan Borough Council regarding the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Redevelopment Project.

“Even if I had lobbied these people, which I didn’t and, in fact, had no communication [with Aberdeen and Matawan officials] outside of the two administrators (Coren and Leo) in my office at the same time, so what?” said Kyrillos, noting that he did not have a vote on the Matawan Council and therefore could not exert any real influence on the project.

Cannon’s statements also contradicted comments issued by other Matawan Borough Council members.

During Dasaro’s press conference, Buccellato said that he was not a part of the joint management committee formed by Aberdeen and Matawan officials.

Cannon called any suggestion that Buccellato had not participated in joint management committee meetings “laughable.”

“If he wasn’t officially on the committee, he sure attended a lot of meetings,” Cannon said.

According to Cannon, the Matawan officials who frequently attended meetings of the joint management committee were Buccellato, Buragina, Clifton and Matawan Attorney Brian Mullen. He said it was his recollection that Buccellato, Buragina and Clifton attended “99.9 percent” of joint management committee meetings.

During his time on the council, Cannon said he attended one of the redevelopment meetings.

According to Clifton, Morris’s portion of the project—some 500 apartments—had been immediately removed from the redevelopment plan after the Columbia Group was selected as Matawan’s lead redeveloper for the project. Cannon concurred that that was the case.

Clifton also said that Morris has not attended any negotiations with the Borough Council since the apartments were removed from the redevelopment plan.
However, Cannon said that representatives from the Columbia Group have met with Matawan officials within the past six months. He noted that he was unable to attend any council meetings during March and April of 2005 when he was battling leukemia, and thus could not comment on any events that occurred during that time.

Cannon denied that any members of the council or other elected officials attempted to influence his vote.

“No one approached me on how to vote. There were suggestions by [members of] the council on what was best for Matawan. Clifton and Buccelato expressed their opinions but they never tried to influence me. I never spoke to Joe Kyrillos directly,” Cannon said. “The only thing I would question would be that there were a lot of meetings [of the joint management committee] that other council members attended. The only people who ever attended those meetings were Clifton, Buccelato and Buragina.”

According to Cannon, the three officials were responsible for reporting to the rest of the council on what took place at the joint management committee meetings.

Cannon said that he believed and still believes that, of the RFPs submitted, the Columbia Group’s proposal represented the best plan for Matawan.

In light of recent coverage of the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Redevelopment Project, the events that took place before the interlocal services agreement disintegrated have become “more clear” in Cannon’s mind, the former councilman said.

The future?

“I’m mostly sad for the residents,” Cannon said, noting that he does not know when or if the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Redevelopment Project will ever come to fruition.

Meanwhile, Dasaro has called for the Office of the State Attorney General to investigate the financial relationship between Kyrillos and Morris.

One thing seems certain: trains won’t be leaving a redeveloped Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station any time in the near future.

SIDEBAR

September 23, 2002 memorandum from Coppola &
Coppola Associates, planner for the Interlocal
Agency formed by Aberdeen and Matawan

To: Mark Coren, Aberdeen Township Manager

From: Coppola & Coppola Associates

Subject: Request For Proposals
Commerce and Transportation Center
Aberdeen Township & Matawan Borough

Silver Oaks Properties

This proposal is the most consistent with the “Plan” in terms of square footage and the number of dwellings (1,185,800 s.f. of commercial in Aberdeen and 861,600 s.f. of commercial in Matawan, with 60 townhouses and 360 apartments in the Borough). A significant amount of parking spaces (11,497 spaces) are proposed in the garages which form the platforms for the commercial development above. Proposed road improvements are significant, as with the “Millennium Homes” proposal [which wasn’t selected by either town], but appear to be more feasible than that proposed by “Millennium Homes.” While there is a need for an addressment of the required COAH units and there is concern with the sensitivity of the design to the neighboring properties, the proposal could be refined to address these issues.

1. Most consistent with the “Plan,” including non-residential square footage and number of dwelling units.

2. High level of detail and cost projection.

3. Road improvements include use of the Henry Hudson trail for new access ramps parallel to the NJ Transit line to GSP and for a new road to Route 79 using the old transit line.

4. Buildings are high (up to 10 stories); parking garages create platforms for commercial and retail uses above, although some retail will be at ground level.

5. Orientation of commercial area inward to rail line, with plazas and levels of buildings tiered down towards plazas; orientation of residential areas also internal as well as to vistas beyond center.

6. Residential units are in two (2) areas at edge with vistas to lake and marshes; no flats over retail. Office, retail and parking are all intermixed within the core buildings around the train tracks and plazas. Not as sensitive to existing developed areas outside the center, since the buildings will be elevated on top of parking garages (with some street level retail possible).

K. Hovnanian [Columbia Group]

This proposal does not have the detail of the others, especially regarding road and other infrastructure improvements. A total of 1,000 dwelling units are proposed, but with less than 270,000 s.f. of non-residential space in Matawan Borough, and only 382,000 square feet of office/retail space in Aberdeen. The buildings tend to be massive in six, with a six (6) story L-shaped parking garage of 3,800 spaces bordering the existing uses in the area of Harrison and Dolan Avenues.

1. Not consistent with the “Plan”; proposed 1,000 du’s but less than 270,000 s.f. of non-residential space in Matawan and only 382,000 square feet of office/retail space in Aberdeen.

2. Moderate level of detail, but mostly oriented to residential uses.

3. No discussion of infrastructure improvements, except site plan shows “proposed Henry Hudson access road and trail.”

4. Building heights are not clearly specified; 10-story mixed use building in center with one 5-story parking garage in Matawan and two (2) massive stand alone 6-story parking garages and a surface computer [sic] parking lot in Aberdeen.

5. Orientation to central “Village Square,” which has a low profile; most existing development north of Harrison will face two (2) sides of a massive 6-story parking garage.

6. Residential buildings are 4-stories with interior surface parking, all located outside center core and west of Atlantic Ave.