Fred Niemann and Jack Morris sitting in a tree...

And there comes a time when everything is illuminated...

From today's Asbury Park Press article:
IN TINTON FALLS: Project needs stormwater system overhaul
Development terms made tougher; group won't sue

"Fred Niemann, a lawyer representing Edgewood [Properties], could not be reached for comment."

Edgewood Properties is Jack Morris' company. Jack Morris is a business partner of former Middlesex Democratic boss and future inmate John Lynch. Jack Morris has also been identified as the unnamed developer listed in an indictment brought by the U.S. Attorney's office against an elected official; in the indictment the unnamed developer is accused of bribing the elected official via campaign contributions, including wheeled campaign contributions.

Jack Morris has not been charged by Chris Christie's folks over at U.S. Attorney's office, though the bribery-via-campaign contributions accusation was made public in the indictment several months ago.

For those who forget, Jack Morris and his companies have given over $50,000 in campaign contributions to Chris Christie family friend state Sen. Joe Kyrillos. Former Matawan mayor and current Freeholder Deputy Director Rob Clifton also received money from a PAC that had Morris as a top contributor (some might consider that particular contribution wheeled money and Clifton has since returned it).

Morris also contributed to the Monmouth County GOP and to one of those illustrious legal-but-ethically-questionable Mon. Cty. GOP PACs during the time Fred Niemann was chair.


And no, the Jack Morris-Aberdeen/Matawan
Train Station issue is not going away.

It's official: Fred's reign is dead

GOP chief Niemann to step down

I think the Monmouth Republican bloggers like Honest Abe and Will Seward deserve a hardy round of applause. I think the blogs played a large part in unmasking Niemann's incompetence as a leader. No one should underestimate the role Abe and Will played in what will inevitably become a stronger Republican Party.

And, of some note, the APP article includes ELEC numbers first confirmed by Abe, including the fact that Lynch associates Jack "I didn't bribe DeLisa" Morris and Jack "Why'd I get involved with Lynch in the first place" Westlake have been recent contributors to a party PAC.

By the by, just a personal opinion, but I think some people in this county will have a lot to worry about if Morris decides to spill whatever beans he has to the FBI. And the fact that neither Morris nor Westlake have been arrested--even after the DeLisa FBI's indictment said the pair (unnamed but outed by newspapers) allegedly bribed DeLisa using ELEC funds and money--gives me the vague suspicion that they may have already pulled a Palughi and gone state's witness.

It's only a matter of time, friends. Morris had a lot bigger projects around here than a West Long Branch Walgreens. And there was a lot more ELEC money flowing around these here parts than to just DeLisa and Zambrano.

Drop(ping) Dead Fred

From today's APP article:

Niemann said he chose the [terrorist] analogy to illustrate what he called the "underground and covert" nature of a faction in the county party that he claims is small, yet subversive.

"These individuals never disclose themselves. They communicate by way of blogs, gossip and rumor," Niemann said. "I know who they are. But I believe in the (Ronald) Reagan commandment: Do not publicly criticize anyone in your party."

Oh you subversive little Republicans you! Be careful, though -- he knows who you are. ...and he's right behind you! RUN!!

Is it me, or is Fred getting a little more of the gestapo in him everyday? Look into my eyes: Thou shalt not critize crooked party leaders. Repeat 50 times or until the whip stops stinging. That's it, now you're a good party follower.

The word I'm hearing is that Fred won't make it till June. I don't know if that's realistic, but the APP is certainly readying the target. Like John Bennett and Ed Stominski before him, Niemann's shaping up to be this year's APP sacrificial Republican.

What's there left to say? Niemann should be glad he was able to make as much money at the county's expense as he has because there doesn't seem to be much more coming down the pike anytime soon.

Congrats to Anna Little!

It's Freeholder Little, folks. Abe has the detailed stats and the APP has quite an excellent article about the vote.

It should be noted that in his blog, Ronald Reagan (the blogger most in the Mon. Cty. blogging world say is MC GOP Chairman Fred Niemann or is-he-or-isn't-he former MC GOP Exec. Director Dan Gallic) is already talking about possible April convention challenges and a June primary. Wow, somebody's sore.

Was the whole mandatory "no primary" question asked of the candidates or does that only apply when the powers that be support the selected candidate?

Hey, at least they made the vote tallies public this time, and the count itself didn't mysteriously "disappear" later when candidates wanted to review the results. That whole we're-hiding-the-vote-count-for your-sake dog won't hunt more than once (especially not with a pool of candidates that had some bright lawyers in it).

EDIT (6:30 p.m.): Ronald Reagan has edited out the suggestions of convention challenges and a June primary. It's easy to see why.

As the Bayshore turns...

It's been quite the week in Bayshore/Monmouth news and politics, and I'm not quite sure whether to make heads or tails of it, so I'll just sit back and watch.

1) Middletown Superintendent David L. Witmer suspended

Middletown was a-buzz with the news that Witmer was suspended from his duties last week. The Board of Ed kept mum on the reasons until yesterday when charges were filed with the state Department of Education alleging that Witmer misappropriated his vacation and sick leave time.

2) Matawan Borough Council meeting

There was a bit of verbal sparring at the Matawan Borough Council meeting last. I'll refrain from talking about in depth since I plan on writing an article about it for next week. I will say that Councilman Paul Buccellato read a statement last night alleging that a family member of one of the new Democratic council members attempted to obtain confidential insurance information from municipal employees.

3) Keyport

Mayor John Merla was indicted on new charges earlier this week. At the council meeting, members of the governing body again asked Merla to resign. Merla has maintained his innocence.

There was also a big to-do during the public comments portion of the meeting by a Planning Board member about inaccuracies in news reports by an area newspaper (nope, not The Courier).

(An aside: As a reporter there are bound to be a group of people who like you and group of people who really hate you. It's kind of a bad idea to firebomb an entire town and have everyone aching for your spleen. ...but, hey, that's just my opinion.)

4) Monmouth County

TWO people have thrown their hats in the ring to challenge Fred Niemann. Out of personal curiosity, does anybody know how many municipal chairmen and county freeholders actually support Niemann these days?



...anywho, I will be up in the northern part of the state tomorrow, so the website update may be slightly delayed. I'm keeping my lips zipped as to why, but wish me luck.

The Mystery of Honest Abe

I wanted to post this comment left on my blog by Honest Abe because I thought it was pretty hysterical:

Some of the theories that I've heard are that I'm Fred Niemann, Wally Edge(!), Dan Gallic or Joe DiBella. I even heard that I was you!

I remain anonymous because, in addition to the independence it allows me, it also doesn't identify me with any one part of the county, i. e., Western Monmouth, Bayshore, Coastal, etc. Also I can travel freely at events like Lincoln Day, the Finance Gala or a Federation luncheon or Affiliated dinner. I try to keep my finger on the pulse and my ear to the ground; sometimes it's better when people don't realize they're talking to Honest Abe.

Honest Abe's anonymity makes this blog-o-sphere so much more fun. He provides an interesting and thoughtfully measured voice on Monmouth County politics. I imagine some imitators will be cropping up as his popularity grows but I somehow doubt that they will be more insightful or intelligent than the posts Honest Abe has offered up.

Nevertheless, the more voices, the better. I encourage anyone and everyone to add their unique style to the fray by trying out blog technology. May the best blog get the most hits.

Lynch’s role and intrigues in Monmouth County

(Published in the December 22 issue of The Courier.)

Lynch’s role and intrigues in Monmouth County

By JACKIE CORLEY

Are the losses of Monmouth Democrats in part caused by an internal split that has been orchestrated by forces outside the county?

For years state Democratic leaders have been looking at Monmouth as a county with a Republican vice-grip upon it that could be broken. The demographics seemed obvious: Monmouth is not Hudson County, where 42.5 percent of registered voters are Democrats, or Sussex County, where 34.2 percent of registered voters are Republicans, as of 2005.

What the Numbers Say

Contrasted to the rest of the state, Monmouth has the largest percentage of unaffiliated voters compared to its base of registered voters. Out of 396,047 registered voters in Monmouth County, 256,154 or 64.7 percent were unaffiliated with either the Republican or Democratic parties, as of June 2005.

Additionally, the percentage of registered Democrats compared to the percentage of registered Republicans within the county voting bloc is third closest in the state; only Burlington and Bergen counties have a tighter spread percentage between Democrats or Republicans. When it comes to affiliated voters in Monmouth County, 65,390 or 16.5 percent of total registered voters aligned themselves with the Democratic Party, while 73,117 or 18.5 percent of total registered voters have aligned themselves with the Republican Party.

The demographics being what they are, how has Monmouth remained a Republican stronghold for decades?

The well-oiled machinery of the Republican Party plays no small part. And while the county Republicans have had their share of squabbles, such as the ouster of long-time Monmouth Republican Chairman Bill Dowd in June 2004, any issues have remained largely internal.

In the Monmouth County Democratic Party, struggles for the heart of the organization have come as much from neighboring Middlesex County and former state Sen. John Lynch, D-Middlesex, as they have from within.

Additionally, as the Monmouth County Democratic Organization faced internal challenges for the party leadership in recent years, challenges often well-funded by a Political Action Committee (PAC) controlled by Lynch, money from Lynch’s business partners have found its way into Monmouth Republican coffers.

Lynch: ‘Invader’ from the North?

The day after this year’s November General Election, FBI officers raided the Tinton Falls offices, located at Suite 10 on 1 Executive Drive, of Lynch and his business partner, Jack Westlake.

The pair's Monmouth offices house Alma Ltd., Executive Continental Inc. and the New Directions Through Responsible Leadership PAC, according to Election Law Enforcement Committee (ELEC) reports.

In recent interviews conducted by daily newspapers in the state, Lynch has stated that he and Westlake share control of Executive Continental, a subsidiary of Alma Ltd., which was incorporated by Westlake.

Lynch, considered a heavy-hitter in Middlesex politics, was a political mentor to former Gov. James McGreevey before the pair severed ties in the early 2000s. Lynch's own career in elected office ended in 2001 when he retired from the New Jersey Senate.

Labels in the press, such as "king-maker" and "de facto boss," have followed Lynch into retirement. These labels, Lynch has said publicly, are what he believes have drawn the FBI to investigate his business dealings.

Area residents may have been surprised to learn of Lynch’s presence in Monmouth following the FBI raid, when it made headlines in the media.

However, Lynch has had an involvement in Monmouth County politics for a number of years, and the belief that Lynch has been pining for a foothold in Monmouth County is an open secret in the Monmouth County Democratic Organization.

“He’s wanted influence in Monmouth County, no doubt about it,” Middletown Democratic Chairman Joe Caliendo said.

Caliendo said the challenges to Monmouth County Democratic Chairman Victor Scudiery's leadership in recent years were anchored in Lynch's desire to extend his sphere of influence into Monmouth County.

One of the most prominent turf battles for the Monmouth County Democratic Party occurred in 2003. That was when Scudiery supported state Sen. Ellen Karcher, 12th District, in a contentious primary battle against Oceanport Mayor Gordon Gemma, who received significant backing by Lynch. Also that year, Assemblyman Robert Morgan, D-Monmouth, was challenged by Fair Haven business owner Amy Mallet in the 2003 race. The New Directions PAC funded Gemma and Mallet’s failed primary attempt to the tune of $14,400.

Also, a 2000 race for the Monmouth County Democratic chairmanship pitted Red Bank Mayor Ed McKenna against Scudiery. McKenna received $5,000 from the New Directions PAC for the ultimately unsuccessful attempt. Lynch's PAC has continued to support McKenna's role as a Democratic leader in Monmouth County, contributing $9,700 to the Red Bank Democratic Party and $2,500 to the Monmouth County Council of Democrat Leaders PAC, a committee McKenna is affiliated with, since 2002.

Lynch's support for McKenna has been reciprocated, with the Red Bank Democratic Party, McKenna and his law firm contributing at least $5,500 since 2002.

Additionally, some specific municipal Democratic parties in Monmouth County have received funding from New Directions Through Responsible Leadership on more than one occasion since the PAC’s inception. In addition to the Red Bank Democratic Party, these municipal parties include: the Atlantic Highlands Democratic Party, the Manalapan Democratic Party and the West Long Branch Democratic Party.

As for Monmouth County Legislative District races, the Democratic candidates in the 13th District received $3,000 since 1999, with $500 coming from Executive Continental to Assembly candidates Patrick Gillespie and Alex DeSevo in 1999; $2,000 from the New Directions PAC to state senatorial candidate Bill Flynn in 2003; and $500 to Flynn and his Assembly running mates, Leonard Inzerillo and Thomas Perry, also in 2003. No contributions were made to the 2005 Democratic 13th District race, in which candidate Michael Dasaro, who ran with Flynn, made considerable issue of the financial relationship between developer Jack Morris, also a Lynch partner in a Brick land deal, and state Sen. Joseph Kyrillos, R-Monmouth.

In addition to the campaign funds contributed to Gemma and Mallet in the 12th District primary race, then assembly-candidate Gemma and running mate William Scherer received $2,000 from Alma Ltd. in 2001; Karcher received $2,000 from Westlake and $2,000 from the New Directions PAC in the 2003 general election; and Morgan and Assemblyman Michael Panter, D-Monmouth, received $500 from New Directions in 2004.

In the 11th District, Assembly candidate Matthew Doherty received $500 from the New Directions PAC this year.

During the time that Lynch made his presence known in Monmouth through contributions from New Directions, the 2000 and 2003 challenges to Scudiery’s leadership occurred, as did a stunted attempt by McKenna’s law partner and Democratic fundraiser Michael DuPont, who considered running for the chairman post in 2004.

And though individual Monmouth Democrats and municipal campaigns have benefited from Lynch's fundraising capabilities, his PAC has not financially supported the Monmouth County Democratic Organization to the same level as it has other county Democratic organizations throughout the state. The Monmouth County Democratic Party received $5,000 from the PAC since 2001, while southern neighbor Ocean County, also a heavily Republican-controlled part of the state, received $84,500 for its Democratic organization and northern neighbor Middlesex County, Lynch's home territory, received $133,000 for its Democratic organization.

Lynch: A Monmouth Republican Supporter?

While the fact that a PAC under Lynch's control would not contribute funds to a county leadership it has taken exception to is not unusual, what does stand out in ELEC reports listing Suite 10 at 1 Executive Drive as home to numerous campaign contributions are the funds given to the Monmouth County Republican Party by Alma Ltd.

Lynch has publicly stated to other news outlets that Westlake consulted with him about forming Alma Ltd. during the early 1990s. Lynch and Westlake subsequently decided that Westlake alone would incorporate Alma Ltd. and a subsidiary company, later called Executive Continental, Inc., would be formed out of Alma Ltd. to avoid the appearance of a conflict of interest for Lynch, who was still a state senator at the time.

Nevertheless, Alma Ltd. has become a significant source of funds for the Democratic Party, in much the same way that the New Directions PAC listed at the same address had.

Of the $125,450 contributed to campaigns and political organizations by Alma Ltd., with 94 percent of such donations being made between 1998 and 2005, $106,500 went to Democratic candidates and committees.

Alma Ltd., however, has not neglected Republicans: $18,900 in contributions were made to state Republicans. Of the $18,900 in Republican contributions from Alma Ltd., $12,400 went to Monmouth County Republicans.

The Monmouth County Republican Party received a total of $5,500 in annual donations made between 1999 and 2004. The contributions stood in the $650 to $750 range until August 2004, when a $2,000 donation was made. This compares to $3,000 in total contributions to the Monmouth County Democratic Party by Alma Ltd., made between 2002 and 2004.

Other contributions to Monmouth County Republicans by Alma Ltd. include: $650 total to Assemblyman Steve Corodemus, R-Monmouth, in contributions made between 1998 and 1999; $1,800 total to former state Sen. John Bennett, R-Monmouth, in contributions made between 1999 and 2002; and $3,800 to Kyrillos, a former New Jersey State Republican Committee chairman, made between 2000 and 2005.

Kyrillos came under fire this summer when it was revealed that, while counseling Democrat-controlled Aberdeen Township and then-Republican-controlled Matawan Borough for a resolution to the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station redevelopment project, he had accepted over $50,000 from Jack Morris in campaign contributions. Morris is a Middlesex-based developer and a Lynch business partner whose company, the Columbia Group, was ultimately selected by the Matawan Borough Council as its designated redeveloper.

Morris has been a very successful fundraiser for Middlesex Democrats in recent years. Since 2000, Morris and his companies have contributed over $500,000 to Democrats and Democratic political organizations throughout the state. Of that money, at least $140,000 has gone to the Middlesex County Democratic Organization, ELEC reports.

Why would the leader of the New Jersey State Republican Party be accepting funds so closely associated with the so-called Middlesex County Democratic boss, a man who has been doing everything in his power to defeat Middlesex Republicans? Kyrillos has not returned calls to this office to answer questions for this article.

Kyrillos was chairman of the state’s Republican Party from 2001 to 2004.

Middlesex Republicans' Up-hill Battle

For years, Middlesex Republicans have been fighting an up-hill battle to raise funds in a county where the Middlesex Democratic Party is largely in control of the area's municipal and county-wide offices. Subsequently, Middlesex Democrats have been able to draw on the generosity of numerous professional services firms and developers to fill its political coffers.

Is the Middlesex Republican Party destined to minority status because of the financial power of the Middlesex Democratic organization, or has a dry fund-raising well kept the Middlesex Republicans from encroaching on Democratic territory? The question may bit of a "chicken or the egg" scenario, but the Middlesex County Republican Committee has seen little in terms of funding by the state to even put the question to the test.

Middlesex had the second largest base of undeclared voters in the state (Bergen County had claims to first place) at the height of Kyrillos' tenure as state Republican leader in 2002. Nevertheless, the county organization saw only approximately $28,000 in contributions and in-kind contributions from the state party from mid-2001 to 2005.

In total, approximately $2,016,000 has been contributed or given as in-kind contributions to county organizations during that time, with $45,000 of that money being expended since Tom Wilson took over the reins as state Republican chairman in December 2004.

Therefore, the $28,000 amount places Middlesex County 13th out of 19 counties that received money from the state for the county party organization and county-wide races during that time period. (Hunterdon and Sussex counties, both heavily Republican, relied on internal fundraising alone to finance their races.) The counties out-ranking Middlesex in terms of state GOP spending included Democratic powerhouses Essex, Union, Camden and Hudson. Counties that saw less funds from the state than Middlesex from June 2001 to 2005 Cape May, Morris, Atlantic, Salem, Warren and Mercer.

Neighboring Monmouth and Ocean counties were at the top end of the spectrum, receiving approximately $232,000 and $136,000 respectively from the state during that time. Notably, all the donations and in-kind contributions that came to Monmouth from the state between June 2001 and 2005 were made after Fred Niemann replaced Dowd as Monmouth County Republican chairman.

Today, both the Monmouth County Democratic and Republican parties are experiencing change. What direction these changes take may ultimately be tied to Lynch’s involvement in both parties and Kyrillos’ involvement with Lynch.

(A request for an interview with Sen. Lynch was not answered by this article’s deadline.)

Republican leader tied to controversial religious group

(Published in the October 6, 2005 issue of The Courier.)

Republican leader tied to controversial religious group

By JACKIE CORLEY

During last year's Monmouth County Freeholder race, Republicans had a bone to pick with Democrats after a derogatory comment about women made by one of the Democrat candidates years earlier, was made public.

Republican Freeholder candidates in 2004, Amy Handlin and Rob Clifton, and their campaign manager, Dan Gallic (formerly the executive director of the Monmouth County Republican Organization), gained political traction when they revealed that Democrat candidate Steve Morlino made a joke during a Howell Township Council meeting stating that some women "should be muzzled."

"If my opponent is threatened by intelligent women who speak their minds, he'll have a tough time working with the people of this county," Clifton said at the time.

What Republicans kept in their closets, however, was Gallic's connection with a religious group that has been sharply criticized for its own views of women, as well as statements by former members likening the group to "a cult."

The People of Hope, located in Plainfield, is a Catholic charismatic covenant community that was founded by Gallic's father, Bob Gallic, and a handful of others in 1977. However, the People of Hope is not recognized by Catholic Church as a lay organization, according to Jim Goodness, spokesperson for the Archdiocese of Newark.

"There was a time (in 1991 when the community appealed to the Archdiocese of Newark for official recognition) when Archbishop Theodore McCarrick (now Cardinal Archbishop of Washington) had expressed reservations about the organization," Goodness said. "They were not in communion with the archdiocese. There were some concerns as to whether or not this was truly a Catholic organization."

According to Goodness, the Catholic Church now allows priests to say mass for the People of Hope, but the organization is still in no way recognized as a lay Catholic community.

Gallic's involvement with the People of Hope first became news in the political sphere during state Sen. Anthony Bucco's 2003 re-election campaign against challenger Blair MacInnes. Gallic served as Bucco's campaign manager.

According to MacInnes, Gallic was quoted in a local Morristown newspaper as saying, "The only thing that makes [MacInnes] legitimate is her husband and her husband's money."

MacInnes's campaign charged that the comments were sexist and called attention to Gallic's involvement with and leading role in the People of Hope.

"Koinonia Academy [in Plainfield], the school run by the People of Hope, has been accused of teaching female students classes in 'active submission' and discouraging female students from attending college," an October 16, 2003 release from MacInnes's campaign stated.

The above release also states: "Former members of the group reported to the Bergen Record that: husband[s] and wives are encouraged to go out only on 'prescribed date nights'; teenagers are prohibited from dating without approval from group leaders; older women are told not to wear pants or makeup; two women who left the group described a husband who wrote out his wife's daily schedule in 15-minute intervals."

A former member, who contacted The Courier but declined to allow his name to appear in print for fear of retaliation, confirmed the specifics issued by MacInnes's campaign. The source also confirmed that women in the group were taught to be subservient to men.

Many members left the group in the early 1990s following McCarrick expressing concerns about the community.

A family member of one such individual created a web site [http://members.tripod.com/~PeopleofHope] billed as "The Hope Awareness Center." The Courier has been in contact with the web site's creator but is withholding the person's name because of fears expressed by former members who are no longer supportive of the organization's teachings.

The site details several aspects of "cult-like" control exhibited by the organization.

"It is important to note that many members of these communities are good and faithful people who are trying to do the right thing but are living in a deceptive environment," the family member writes on the site. "These groups are considered totalitarian and high demand organizations with rules and regulations that enslave many people and take away their own independent thinking and thought processes."

Among the issues the Hope Awareness Center details is a 1985 state and federal investigation into tax records to determine whether or not Bob Gallic misused funds to purchase land that his and other high-ranking community members' homes were later built on. The investigation did not yield any charges.

Also included on the web site is a 'letter to the editor' that appeared in Fidelity Magazine, a now-defunct Christian publication, according to the Hope Awareness Center. The name is withheld by the Hope Awareness Center, though archives of Fidelity Magazine are available for purchase.

An excerpt from the letter reads:

"The following briefly examines each control I experienced…in the Hope pastoral system. Behavior control was accomplished by the structuring, regulation and discipline of a member's physical reality. Hope members schedule their week with the discernment of a pastoral leader…

"Thought control has only one goal: to transform the thought mechanisms of a person to be 'one with the group.'… As recently as June 23, 1991, at a general gathering of the community a senior head coordinator decided that it is a sin of deception and unity to read material that is critical of covenant communities and Hope.

"Emotional control uses fear as an effective way to keep members committed to the group. Very often many were prayed with to be delivered from fears the group in its own way instilled them. By the false creation of fears…and enemies, and making those enemies seem imminent (Islam, Communism, etc.), the community imposed an unconscious fear to leaving the confines of the group…

"Sharing and relating is controlled…Women getting together was also controlled. After all, women had to be protected from gossip or complaining. The general observation is that most women have superficial relationships and are missing a particular bond and support that women need with each other."

Not all former members felt harmed by their experiences in the People of Hope or thought the group espoused beliefs that were sexist.

"I always felt that the Hope community did a better job of respecting women's dignity and uniqueness and their giftedness better than any group outside them. My own experience led me to be a far better spouse," Michael J. Donnelly wrote in an e-mail.

In another e-mail Donnelly stated, "The aspects of community life which have led people to judge it as 'cultish' are its seeking to find and live a common life of morality and supportiveness toward each other…I would call the People of Hope a non-ordained religious family which seeks to serve God in a dedicated and committed way."

Gallic's perspective

While the former members of the People of Hope that The Courier spoke with said otherwise, Gallic denied he was ever a leader of the religious community and said he is not currently a member.

When asked if his father founded the People of Hope, Gallic said, "I believe he did."

Gallic, a resident of Warren Township in Somerset County, who ran unsuccessfully in 2003 for an Assembly seat left vacant by state Sen. Tom Kean, did acknowledge that he attended the Koinonia Academy.

Gallic, whose one-year tenure as Monmouth County Republican Director ended in August, said his views do not matter in the campaigns and organizations he works for.

"I didn't know Monmouth County from a hole in the wall. I didn't know who [Monmouth County Republican Chair] Fred Niemann was [before August 2004]," Gallic said.

While Gallic is no longer the executive director of the Monmouth County Republican Party (and no one has been selected to replace him as of yet), he said he does serve as a political consultant for the county organization and acknowledged serving as Handlin's and Clifton's campaign manager last year.

"I'm not the executive director of the Monmouth County Republican Party. I'm nothing. I resigned in August. I'm just a consultant. My views do not get put into anything. If and when I'm elected to public office, that's when my views will matter," Gallic said. "As for anyone who wants to attack me personally, my only response is that my grandfather was Jewish and I have an uncle who is Puerto Rican."

MacInnes, a Morristown resident, recalled the 2003 campaign and Gallic's campaigning style in particular as turning very ugly.

"I had a very contentious relationship with Dan Gallic. I think he and the People of Hope have a Medieval notion about women," MacInnes said, noting that she believed some of his comments about her revealed him to have a misogynistic view of women.

"I found Gallic to really be a right-wing ideologue. I would think that the Monmouth County Republicans would have enough on their plate without having to defend Gallic's position on the role of women in politics," MacInnes said. "New Jersey is 43rd out of 50th states in terms of the number of women in elected office. Whereas many people, including myself, would like to see that change, I think Mr. Gallic is happy to see that number stay as it is."

Niemann did not respond to questions about why Gallic was selected as executive director or what his role was or is in the Monmouth County Republican Organization.

With reporting by Jim Purcell

CAPTION:

DROP QUOTE:
"I didn't know Monmouth County from a hole in the wall. I didn't know who [Monmouth County Republican Chair] Fred Niemann was [before August 2004]," Gallic said.

Broschart drops out of race

Published in the September 22, 2005 issue of The Courier.

Broschart drops out of race

By JACKIE CORLEY

In an unexpected turn of events in Hazlet politics, Committeeman Scott Broschart resigned his candidacy for the November special election.

In May, Broschart was selected by the Township Committee to replace former Mayor Paul Coughlin. Coughlin resigned in April, two months after he was arrested by the FBI in a corruption sting that netted 11 Monmouth County officials.

At the time, Hazlet Republicans expressed reservations about Broschart’s ascension into government office.

“His work experience is close to nothing. The other Republicans that were nominated for his seat are professionals and own property [in town],” Rich Kohler, a Hazlet Republican, said in an article in the July 7 issue of The Courier.

In the same article, Hazlet Republican Chair Steve Grossman said, “There were qualified candidates. Someone as young as Scott has no real work experience. He has no real life experience.”

Broschart denied that his youth would affect the way he would govern and launched an “Ethics Reform Plan” that included campaign finance reform regulations.

When the Township Committee voted unanimously to approve an anti-Pay-to-Play ordinance, however, Broschart was bombarded with questions from Hazlet Democrats about his own campaign fundraising activities.

In the resume he submitted when seeking to fill Coughlin’s seat, Broschart wrote that he “raised over $40,000 in contributions” as campaign manager for the successful 2004 election of Mayor Michael Sachs and Committeewoman Bridget Antonucci.

In fact, Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) reports show that $20,535 was raised for the campaign, a number later adjusted to $20,831.

“Either you falsified the election report and violated state law or you falsified your resume to become a member of the Township Committee,” Vincent Solomeno, a Hazlet Democrat, said at the September 6 meeting.

In a later interview, Solomeno questioned whether or not Broschart’s appointment was in itself Pay-to-Play.

“He is the one who raised tens of thousands of dollars for the very people who voted to appoint him to his position,” Solomeno said. “What this says is that someone who doesn’t have a steady job, who doesn’t pay Hazlet property taxes can become a committeeman by raising tens of thousands of dollars.”

Anointed not appointed?

When Coughlin resigned his seat and a November special election was imminent, Grossman said he began planning a “mini-convention” for county committee members of the Hazlet Republican Party to select who would run on the Republican ticket.

On July 20, that process was thwarted when Monmouth County Republican Chair Fred Niemann signed off on Broschart’s candidacy.

Niemann, who campaigned for county chair under the promise on enacting by-laws and restoring greater control to municipal clubs, reportedly told Grossman he was unaware of what he was signing.

Under a little-known rule, the county chair does in fact have the authority to select a candidate for a special election, Grossman said. Nevertheless, the rule hadn’t been applied in Monmouth County in 20 years, according to Grossman.

Broschart bows out just under the wire

At a meeting of the Hazlet Republican Club held at the Lakeside Manor on Wednesday, September 14, Committeewoman and Republican Club President Tracey Maffiore announced that Broschart removed his name from the Republican ticket.

Broschart had attended the Hazlet Republican Club meeting but left before the announcement was made that he was resigning his candidacy.

Maffiore said that Broschart had made the decision to step down because the Hazlet Democrats were using him as a political issue.

In an e-mail, however, Broschart said he removed his name from the ticket so he could focus on his future.

“I need to focus on my career and I'm unsure if I will be residing in Hazlet over the next year. It would be a disservice to the residents of Hazlet if I were to run this year, possibly win and then have to step down if I am forced to relocate,” Broschart said. “In the meantime, I will continue to serve on the committee and fully plan on supporting Ric Medrow (a Republican running for the seat currently held by Maffiore, who is not seeking re-election this year) and the candidate who is chosen to run in my place.”

Hazlet Democrats, however, believe Broschart’s sudden resignation of his candidacy to be a direct result of the questions they raised at the last Township Committee meeting.

“Obviously I feel that our questions about Broschart’s campaign fund raising were instrumental in him stepping down,” said Jim DiNardo, Democrat candidate for Hazlet Township Committee.

DiNardo said that Broschart, as a sitting member of the governing body, still owes taxpayers answers about the ethical questions that have been raised by residents. The Township Committee also needs to be held responsible for Broschart’s appointment in the midst of these allegations, according to DiNardo.

“The Township Committee had a choice. They chose to put up a guy who obviously has some issues with campaign finances. It raises another cloud over Hazlet (following Coughlin’s arrest),” DiNardo said. “We need good government not more questions about the lack of honesty and integrity of our committee members.”

If Broschart had not stepped down by Monday, September 19, only a court order could have replaced him with another candidate on the ticket, according to Grossman. The Hazlet Republican Party will have until Wednesday, September 21 to present the name of the new candidate, who will have to be approved by Niemann.

Many members of the Hazlet Republican Club asked Maffiore to consider running in the special election. Maffiore said it was unlikely that she would run this November, as she took on a new job last year and found her free time severely limited. She said she was heartened by the show of support from other Republican Club members.

Grossman said the club will continue to move forward.

“I wish Scott the best of luck. I think he did the right thing for Hazlet and for the party,” Grossman said.

Kohler said he was pleased by the turn of events.

“I think [Broschart] brought this upon himself. I think we almost had a case of the system running amok,” Kohler said. “Thanks to Steve, we got it back under control.”

With reporting by Christian Alexandersen.

THIS JUST IN: Hazlet committeeman resigns candidacy

Hazlet Township Committeeman Scott Broschart resigned his candidacy for the November special election to fill former Hazlet Mayor Paul Coughlin's seat. (Coughlin was arrested in February, along with 10 other officials, in an FBI sting operation conducted by the state U.S. Attorney's office.)

Broschart was selected by the Township Committee to replace Coughlin after the former mayor stepped down. Monmouth County Republican Chair Fred Niemann approved Broschart's candidacy for the November special election.

At the Hazlet Republican Club meeting held tonight, it was announced that Broschart has removed his name from the Republican ticket. The township Republican organization has until Wednesday to submit the name of its new candidate.

Broschart comes under fire about campaign finances

(Published in the Thursday, September 8, 2005 issue of The Courier.)

Broschart comes under fire about campaign finances

By JACKIE CORLEY

What was supposed to be the passage of an anti-Pay-to-Play ordinance led to allegations of wrong-doing by a sitting committeeman at the Tuesday, September 6 meeting of the Hazlet Township Committee.

Committeeman Scott Broschart, 26, who was selected to replace former Mayor Paul Coughlin despite questions by both Republican and Democrat leaders about his qualifications for the office, initiated “Operation Public Trust” in late June 2005.
The ethics reform package proposed by Broschart included Pay-to-Play regulations and an anti-nepotism ban. The anti-Pay-to-Play ordinance was passed unanimously by the Township Committee at the meeting.

However, Democrats charged that Broschart had severe campaign finance issues of his own to answer.

In his resume seeking to fill Coughlin’s vacant seat, Broschart wrote that he “raised over $40,000 in contributions” as campaign manager for the successful 2004 election of Mayor Michael Sachs and Committeewoman Bridget Antonucci.

In fact, Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) reports show that $20,585 was raised for campaign.

When Democrat candidates for Hazlet Township Committee Kevin Lavan and Jim DiNardo attempted to question Broschart regarding the sum of money during the public portion of the Thursday meeting, Sachs refused to allow either man to speak on the issue.

“It’s political and has nothing to do with the business of this town,” Sachs said.

In an interview outside the meeting room, DiNardo disagreed with Sachs’s assessment.

“I feel it does matter to the citizens of Hazlet because Scott Broschart was the one appointed to the committee,” Lavan said. “I think it was a political appointment. The other two people who applied for the position had better resumes. We had one fellow in town (Coughlin) arrested because of illegal money, now we have a second person who took his seat having questionable financial actiivity himself. We have to take the political black cloud off of Hazlet.”

DiNardo concurred, saying, “I’m not happy with what’s happening. We’re not getting any answers from the Township Committee.”

Lavan said he and DiNardo filed a complaint with the Board of Elections and the Monmouth County Prosecutor’s Office in regard to potential violations of the state’s election statutes.

“Where exactly is this missing $20,000?” DiNardo said.

Vincent Solomeno, a Hazlet Democrat, was able to make more headway during the public portion of the meeting, posing questions to Broschart about his conflict of interest in serving as a campaign fund-raiser “to the tune of tens of thousands of dollars for the Hazlet Republican Party” and serving as the proponent of Hazlet’s anti-Pay-to-Play ordinance.

Broschart denied engaging in the practice of Pay-to-Play, noting that he had an obligation to raise funds as campaign manager and was not a member of the governing body at the time he raised money. He said he trusted the Township Committee to make fair and ethical decisions.

“You were engaged in Pay-to-Play and now you’re a member of the township committee supporting Pay-to-Play reform. I think it’s hypocritical,” Solomeno said.

Solomeno also publicly questioned Broschart’s claim of raising $40,000 for last year’s campaign.

“Either you falsified the election report and violated state law or you falsified your resume to become a member of the Township Committee,” Solomeno said.

In a later interview, Solomeno questioned whether or not Broschart’s appointment was in itself Pay-to-Play.

“He is the one who raised tens of thousands of dollars for the very people who voted to appoint him to his position,” Solomeno said. “What this says is that someone who doesn’t have a steady job, who doesn’t pay Hazlet property taxes can become a committeeman by raising tens of thousands of dollars.”

Rich Kohler, a Hazlet Republican, was the first to raise questions about Broschart’s campaign fund-raising claims in his column in The Courier in its May 19, 2005 issue.

In the column, Kohler wrote, “In [Broschart’s] capacity [as 2004 Republican campaign manager], he sent several arrogant and hostile campaign related e-mails to members of the Hazlet Township Republican Campaign Committee. These letters were barely written at a fifth-grade level…Although I supported both candidates, I limited my involvement in the campaign as a result of Mr. Broschart;s irresponsible correspondence and his lack of regard for the value of positive leadership. Rewarding this type of leadership with ordained political power will most likely lead our township in a negative direction.”

Kohler noted that questions about Broschart’s financial management of the 2004 campaign should be answered, especially in light of the Township Committee’s decision to propose anti-pay-to-play regulations.

“How can he pass the legislation if he has this hanging over his head? The money question needs to be answered,” Kohler said.

Following the Township Committee meeting, Broschart said DiNardo’s and Lavan’s decision to file a complaint with the Board of Elections about discrepancies in the 2004 campaign was “a political ploy aimed to get press for the campaign.”

Pay-to-play and the November election

At the Tuesday meeting, Kohler and other Hazlet residents questioned whether or not the township’s pay-to-play ordinance had “any teeth.”

Hazlet Township Attorney James H. Gorman acknowledged that Hazlet’s ordinance was essentially similar to the state’s anti-Pay-to-Play ordinance, which goes into effect January 1, 2006. The Hazlet ordinance would put the regulations into effect earlier but would not go beyond the state’s legislation as such a step would be nullified by the state when its bill went into effect in January.

“There are other bills pending [at the state level], which may or may not even be passed, that would allow municipalities to set different standards for Pay-to-Play bans,” Gorman said. “Right now, I don’t see why we should spend any money, time or effort on regulations that would be nullified by state legislation in three months. The state has effectively said, ‘This is all you can do.’”

Hazlet resident Eugene Gere questioned whether the introduction of the anti-Pay-to-Play ordinance was merely politicking during election season.

“From a political angle, this will just allow candidates to grandstand. There are real problems that are not being addressed. There are no anti-wheeling provisions. I’m not sure what we’re really getting with this,” Gere said.

Ric Medrow, a Republican who is running for Hazlet Township Committee, said the baby shouldn’t be thrown out with the bathwater.

“I’ve never seen a perfect piece of campaign finance legislation. We can’t let that be an excuse for not cleaning up dirty money in politics. You have to start somewhere,” Medrow said.

Also, Medrow noted he was interested in expanding pay-to-play regulations to include developers looking to build property in town.

Broschart was selected by Monmouth County Republican Committee Chairman Fred Niemann to run for the second committee seat up for election this year, making Broschart, by default, Medrow’s running mate, despite concerns issued publicly and privately by high-ranking Hazlet Republicans about Broschart’s candidacy.

Nevertheless, Medrow feels he has much to offer to Hazlet residents and has been knocking on doors since the beginning of the summer.

“It’s essential that you get out there and talk to the residents and get to know their concerns and let them know what you’ll do as an elected official to ease those concerns,” Medrow said. “I’ve knocked on 2,200 doors so far. I’ve been out when it was 104 degrees and I’ll be out when it’s 47 degrees. The residents of Hazlet deserve that.”

Green candidate challenges freeholders to end pay-to-play

Green candidate challenges freeholders to end pay-to-play

By JACKIE CORLEY

Brian Unger hopes voters will paint their election ballots Green this November: Green Party, that is.

Unger, who is running for the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders on the Green Party ticket, has recently made waves with his call for tough anti-pay-to-play legislation on the county level.

Unger proposed a reform package he titled the “Public Accountability in Contracting Act” (PACA). The Green Party candidate’s proposal would forbid the awarding of contracts over $10,000 to individuals or businesses that contribute more than $400 to freeholder campaigns. It would also prohibit current contractors from contributing to campaigns of incumbent freeholders. Additionally, Unger’s plan calls for a four-year ban on contracts with businesses or individuals who have made political contributions to freeholder campaigns.

On September 22, 2004, then-Governor James E. McGreevey issued an executive order, effective October 15, 2004, prohibiting state contractors who receive more than $17,500 in contracts with state agencies from contributing to a gubernatorial campaign or a state or county political party committee.

A bill approved by the state legislature on June 16, 2004, to take effect on January 1, 2006, would prohibit contractors who receive more than $17,500 from counties or municipalities from making campaign contributions to county or municipal political parties or candidates running for office in that county or municipality.

Unger said the state legislation is filled with loopholes, and he criticized the Board of Chosen Freeholders for not passing a stronger resolution at the county level.

“There is a grass-roots movement in the towns and counties to do the tough, honest work that the state legislature doesn’t have the moral or ethical fiber to do,” Unger said. “There is a bill in the [New Jersey Legislature] now that would allow municipalities and counties to continue to adopt their own [anti-pay-to-play] measures, but it’s not going anywhere because no one’s looking, and there isn’t enough pressure to move the bill forward into law.”

Unger said the all-Republican Board of Chosen Freeholders is incorrect in believing that anti-pay-to-play legislation cannot be passed at the local or county level before the state acts.

“Mercer County has adopted pay-to-play reforms, other counties are considering them, and many towns including Long Branch and Belmar have already done so. The citizens of Dover Township are going to referendum to force their government to adopt more stringent measures,” Unger said. “We need this measure now because the state’s legislation is weak and only in effect from January to June of each year. So it’s important that as many towns and counties as possible adopt the toughest pay-to-play and wheeling legislation. Every county in the state should do this. It could help steamroll the legislature into meaningful action.”

“Wheeling” is a practice whereby contributors give money to a political action committee (PAC) and, in turn, the PAC gives money to the candidate the contributor was actually looking to give money to. Wheeling places a degree of distance between a candidate and a contributor, particularly when a direct contribution would give the appearance of impropriety or a conflict of interest.

The state’s provision only prohibits “wheeled” contributions from January 1 to June 30 of each year.

“Wheeling allows contractors, vendors and party bosses to secretly contribute to campaigns without proper disclosure. With cash gifts hidden, the contributors influence legislation, the award of contracts and patronage jobs, etc.,” an August 25 release from Unger’s campaign stated.

Contractors and contributions

Political contributions by county contractors frequently find their way into freeholder elections.

Money from the Monmouth County Republican Committee is used to heavily finance Republican freeholder elections. For example, during Rob Clifton’s and Amy Handlin’s 2004 general freeholder election, the two Republican candidates each received $50,598.12 in in-kind contributions, about 40 percent of the total money the pair received at that time, from the Monmouth County Republican Committee, according to New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) reports.

Under Monmouth County Republican Chairman Niemann’s watch, the Monmouth County Republican Committee raised the $430,035 in contributions over $400 from July 1, 2004 to June 30, 2005, excluding money contributed to the county party by election funds of would-be office holders.

Of the $430,035 the Monmouth County Republican Committee collected during Niemann’s time as county chair, $75,570 came from companies that received a contract or multiple contracts with the county, as approved by the Board of Chosen Freeholders, from June 2004 to April 2005.

Additionally, according to the Monmouth County Republican Committee’s July 15, 2005 quarterly ELEC report, the organization received $37,000 of the $37,500 raised that quarter from the Monmouth Leadership PAC. Notably, $37,000 is the maximum a political action committee can donate to a county political committee. The $37,000 contribution was made on June 13, 2005.

The Monmouth Leadership PAC is billed as a non-partisan ideological committee created to promote the candidacy of strong leaders in Monmouth County. In fact, the Monmouth Leadership PAC shares the same P.O. Box with the Monmouth County Republican Committees well as many of the same contributors.

An end to wheeling?

Unger said that wheeling funds from various county political committees and PACs can be stopped through relatively simple legal measures.

Unger’s proposal would require that any business or individual applying for a county contract of over $10,000 submit a certification stating that they did not give funds to county candidates through outside individuals or committees.

“A simple cross-check with ELEC contribution reports would indicate if improperly wheeled money had come to the candidate. Certifications are a common regulatory mechanism widely used by state, federal and local governments. The process would halt wheeling for any contractor that wanted a county contract,” the release from Unger’s campaign stated.

At the very least, Unger hopes voters will look to the Green Party when they go the polls this year.

“The two major political parties in power cannot agree on who loses and who gains. Neither has been able to get the upper hand politically and both have successfully stopped tough, credible legislation from passing year after year after year,” Unger said. “The Monmouth County Freeholders are wrong. They can adopt pay-to-play reforms now and they should. Our home county is the political corruption poster child for the entire state. We need to be out front leading the fight for clean honest government.”

Clifton received campaign money from Morris-funded PAC

Published in The Bayshore Courier on July 28, 2005

Clifton received campaign money from Morris-funded PAC

By JACKIE CORLEY

Does the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government live up to its name?

The East Brunswick-based political action committee (PAC) was formed on July 3, 2003 as a nonpartisan ideological group. The PAC, which counts former Republican state Sen. Jack Sinagra, R-Middlesex, as its chairperson and David B. Himelman as its treasurer, is located at 44 Valley Forge Drive.

From July 2003 to June 17, 2004, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government raised $93,200 and distributed $62,600 of that in campaign contributions.

Significant contributions made to the PAC came from such development and construction heavyweights as Jingoli Construction, Ferreira Construction and the Columbia Group, among others.

The Columbia Group, a Jack Morris company based in Piscataway, is the lead redeveloper for Matawan in the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Redevelopment Project. The Columbia Group’s plan, as described in a September 23, 2002 report by Richard Coppola, planner for the interlocal agency formed by Aberdeen and Matawan, included 1,000 residential dwelling units and did not meet the specifications detailed by the interlocal services agreement.

The Matawan Borough Council selected the Columbia Group as its redeveloper in a resolution passed December 3, 2002. Matawan was subsequently sued by Silver Oaks Properties, the company selected by Aberdeen to serve as its redeveloper for the project. The issue is still in litigation.

On September 25, 2003, Jack Morris, his wife and his business partner each contributed $7,200 to the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government.

Furthermore, another company Morris is employed by, Marlboro Routes 9 & 520 Development Company LLC, located at 69 Century Drive in Clifton, contributed $3,200 on September 25, 2003.

The $24,800 represented about 27 percent of the $93,200 in the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government’s coffers by June 17, 2004, the largest share held by any associated group of individuals who contributed to the PAC by that time.

Additionally, the Columbia Group and Smith Street Properties, another Morris company, each contributed $7,200 to the PAC some time between July 2004 and September 2004. ELEC reports filed by the PAC do not specify an exact date.

The majority of the $62,600 distributed by the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government went to candidates in Middlesex and Mercer Counties. However, one Monmouth official received funds from the year-old PAC: Freeholder Rob Clifton, who was mayor of Matawan at the time the borough’s governing body selected the Columbia Group as its lead redeveloper.

On June 17, 2004, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government contributed $5,000 to Clifton’s freeholder election fund. Clifton raised a total of $19,650 in contributions over $400 for the 2004 freeholder election, in which Freeholder Amy Handlin was his running mate. Thus, the $5,000 contribution made by the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government represented 25 percent of the total contributions over $400 made to Clifton’s election fund.

In addition to contributions made to office seekers, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government also contributed $24,000 to the New Jersey Republican State Committee on October 1, 2004, when state Sen. Joe Kyrillos was chair of the party.

Is it wheeling?

“Wheeling” is a practice whereby contributors give money to a PAC and, in turn, the PAC gives money to the candidate the contributor was actually looking to give money to. Wheeling places a degree of distance between a candidate and a contributor, particularly when a direct contribution would give the appearance of impropriety or a conflict of interest.

Whether or not Clifton knew that the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government was significantly funded by Jack Morris and his associates is unclear. Clifton has not returned calls by press time.

Kyrillos said he was not aware of Clifton receiving any money from Morris or a Morris-funded PAC. When informed of the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government’s $5,000 contribution to Clifton’s freeholder race, Kyrillos said, “I think Rob is a bright, objective person who makes his own decisions and certainly did [on the train station] matter.”

TIMELINE (sidebar)

December 3, 2002: Matawan Borough Council passes an ordinance declaring the Columbia Group the lead redeveloper for the borough’s portion of the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Project.

July 3, 2003: The Committee for Responsibility & Trust in Government, a political action committee (PAC), is formed in East Brunswick.

September 25, 2003: Morris, his wife and associated companies and employees contribute $24,800 to the PAC. By June 17, 2004, the $24,800 represents 27 percent of the total amount in the fund.

April 2004: Matawan Mayor Rob Clifton is selected to replace Freeholder Ed Stominski and join Freeholder Amy Handlin on the Republican line for the November election. State Sen. Joe Kyrillos, R-Monmouth, and former Monmouth Republican Chairman Bill Dowd meet with Stominski to inform him of the decision.

June 8, 2004: Clifton and Handlin defeat Stominski in the primary for the Republican freeholder line.

June 15, 2004: Fred Niemann unseats Dowd as chairman of the Monmouth Republican Committee.

June 17, 2004: Clifton, still mayor of Matawan, receives $5,000 from the Committee for Responsibility & Trust in Government for his general freeholder election fund.

July-September 2004: Morris companies contribute $14,400 to the PAC. The exact dates of the contributions are not specified.

October 1, 2004: The New Jersey Republican State Committee, chaired by Kyrillos, R-Monmouth, receives $24,000 from the Committee for Responsibility & Trust in Government.

Are contributors buying access or buying contracts?

Published in The Bayshore Courier on July 14, 2005.

Are contributors buying access or buying contracts?

By JACKIE CORLEY
Staff Writer

What's good for the goose is usually good for the gander, unless you're talking about the difference between state level and county level campaign financing.

The Monmouth County Republican Committee, chaired since June 15, 2004 by Wall Township resident Fred Niemann, has kept the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders in Republican hands for over 20 years.

The five-member Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders, which awards tens of millions of dollars in county contracts each year, is currently all Republican and consists of Freeholder Director Thomas J. Powers; Freeholder Deputy Director Amy Handlin; Freeholder Ted Narozanick; Freeholder Robert Clifton; and Freeholder William Barham.

According to an executive order issued by former Gov. James McGreevey on September 24, 2004, the state's departments, agencies and authorities cannot award a contract over $17,500 to a company or individual that has made contributions to any candidate running for governor or to a state or county political party.

The executive order, however, does not apply to companies that have made contributions to county political parties and who enter into contracts with county governments.

In May 2005, Handlin began introducing a reform package, one piece of which was meant to make the contract awarding process more transparent.

Handlin, who has not returned calls at press time, was quoted in published reports as saying that she knows there are no “sweetheart deals” when it comes to county contracts awarded to architectural and engineering firms, but that the reform package would allow the public a more “transparent view” of the awarding process.

While Handlin's reform package addressing no-bid contracts would employ a “point-system” to determine the qualifications of a company for a project, it does not place any limits on firms that contribute significantly to county parties and apply for no-bid contracts from the county.

Notably, money from the Monmouth County Republican Committee is used to heavily finance Republican freeholder elections. For example, during Clifton's and Handlin's 2004 general freeholder election, the two Republican candidates each received $50,598.12 in in-kind contributions, about 40 percent of the total money the pair received at that time, from the Monmouth County Republican Committee, according to New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) reports.

Under Niemann's watch, the Monmouth County Republican Committee raised $392,535 in contributions over $400 from July 1, 2004 to March 31, 2005, excluding money contributed to the county party by election funds of would-be office holders.

Of the $392,535 the Monmouth County Republican Committee collected during Niemann's time as county chair, $75,570 came from companies that received a contract or multiple contracts with the county, as approved by the Board of Chosen Freeholders, from June 2004 to April 2005.

Among the firms that have donated to the Monmouth County Republican Committee and also received county contracts approved by the all-Republican Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders are: Henshell & Buccellato; Earle Asphalt Company; French & Parrello Associates; Gibbons, Del Deo, Dolan Griffinger & Vecchione; MBI GluckShaw; Hatch Mott MacDonald; HDR Engineering, Inc.; Hawkins Delafield & Wood, LLP; Seely Equipment and Supply Co., Inc; Freehold Cartage Inc.; The Dittmar Agency and Abbington Associates.

Henshell & Buccellato, a Red Bank-based architectural firm, gave the Monmouth County Republican Committee $3,900 between August 2004 and November 2004, according to ELEC reports. Paul Buccellato, a partner in the firm, is a Matawan councilman and the chairman of the borough's Republican organization. On January 13, 2005, Henshell & Buccellato was awarded a $25,000 contract by the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders to provide “call-in professional architectural services” for the Monmouth County Department of Buildings and Grounds for 2005.

The Earle Asphalt Company has provided paving, construction and general contracting work to municipal and county governments and residential and commercial developers for nearly 30 years. From August 2004 to September 2004, the company contributed $2,500 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee, according to ELEC reports. From July to September 2004, Earle Asphalt Company received $2,875,324.44 in contracts with the county, according to resolutions adopted by the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders.

The Holmdel-based engineering firm of French & Parrello Associates contributed $4,000 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee on August 6, 2004. From October 2004 to December 2004, the company received $35,000 in contracts with the county.

Gibbons, Del Deo, Dolan, Griffinger & Vecchione is a Newark-based law firm that specializes in bond law. The firm, which counts Middletown Republican Chairman Peter Carton among its employed attorneys, currently serves as the bond counsel for Monmouth County, Middletown, Highlands and Union Beach, where Carton is named specifically as the attorney representing the firm in the borough.

From August to November 2004, Gibbons, Del Deo, Dolan, Griffinger & Vecchione contributed $7,500 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee, ELEC reports show. The firm was reappointed as the county's bond council on January 4, 2005.

Additionally, Carton contributed $500 on May 27, 2005 to Handlin's 2005 primary campaign for the assembly.

MBI GluckShaw is a Trenton-based public affairs and legislative lobbying firm. On August 9, 2004, Hazel Gluck, one of the firm's consultants, contributed $2,000 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee. Gluck also contributed $1,000 to Handlin's assembly campaign on May 7, 2005.

On March 23, 2005, the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders awarded a $92,700 to MBI GluckShaw and the Strategy Group for management consultant services in support of the Monmouth-Ocean-Middlesex passenger rail line project.

Hatch Mott MacDonald is a consulting engineering firm with New Jersey offices located in Cape May, Freehold and Millburn. The firm contributed $4,000 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee on August 6, 2004, according to ELEC reports. Additionally, Clifton accepted a $2,000 contribution from the firm for his 2004 freeholder election on November 11, 2004. Hatch Mott MacDonald received at least two contracts from the county: an $8,150 contract on June 24, 2005 and a $60,000 contract on October 14, 2004.

HDR Engineering, Inc. is an architectural and engineering firm based in White Plains, NY. From August 2004 to November 2004, the company contributed $3,900 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee. On December 9, 2004, HDR Engineering, Inc. received a contract for $499,870.

Hawkins Delafield & Wood, LLP is a Manhattan-based law firm that specializes in public finance and government contracts. ELEC reports show that attorneys from the company contributed $2,800 from July 2004 to October 2004. On November 9, 2004, Hawkins Delafield & Wood, LLP received a $290,000 contract to provide special legal counsel services for 2005.

Seely Equipment and Supply Co., Inc., Farmingdale, provides vehicles, snowplows and other supplies to municipal and county governments. The company contributed $4,000 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee, according to ELEC reports. From June 2004 to September 2004, Seely Equipment and Supply Co., Inc. received $218,315 in contracts from the county.

Freehold Cartage Inc., based in Freehold, provides waste removal services. From October 2004 to November 2004, the company gave $5,900 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee. From July 2004 to November 2004, Freehold Cartage, Inc. received $5,525,420 in contracts with Monmouth County.

The Dittmar Agency is a Freehold-based insurance company. In October 2004, the company gave $3,000 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee, ELEC reports show. From December 2004 to April 2005 received $674,666 in county contracts.

Abbington Associates is an engineering and architectural firm based in Freehold. In October 2004, the company's president, James P. Kovacs, contributed $6,300 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee. From June 2004 to December 2004, the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders approved $279,700 in contracts with Abbington Associates.

The Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders cannot award a contract simply because a company or individuals who operate or are employed by a contribution make significant contributions to a candidate or county party. The bid process, as regulated by state law, is highly involved, with contracts awarded to those companies that the governing body believes will best serve the interests of the municipality or county.

Nevertheless, there are few actual restrictions to campaign contributors, at least on the county level, when it comes to government contracts. Even before recent scandals rocked Monmouth County, McGreevey put in place significant controls to monitor state contracts. Meanwhile, the county has yet to impose similar standards.

Where does money for Monmouth's ruling party come from?

Published in The Bayshore Courier on June 23, 2005.

Where does money for Monmouth's ruling party come from?

By JACKIE CORLEY
Staff Writer

In light of recent grassroots concerns about "Pay-to-Play" legislation and corruption of government officials, area residents can trust most politicians to fully disclose the campaign contributions they receive by filing quarterly election reports.

The New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) requires elected officials and municipal, county and state committees to report the campaign contributions they take in on a quarterly basis.

One of the top elected officials in the county is state Sen. Joseph Kyrillos Jr., R-Monmouth. As well as being the former chairman of the state Republican organization, Kyrillos is a widely known and respected GOP leader in Monmouth.

Kyrillos received at least $47,200 from developer Jack Morris from April 1999 until April 2004. Kyrillos returned a $5,600 contribution from Morris's company, JSM @ New Durham on October 2, 2001, as well as five $1,800 contributions from the developer and his wife on February 23, 2005. The $14,600 was refunded by Kyrillos's campaign because the amount donated exceeded that allowed by election law, according to ELEC reports.

Morris's company, the Columbia Group, is Matawan's redeveloper for the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station project.

Morris is not the only developer from whom Kyrillos has received campaign contributions. According to ELEC reports, the state senator received at least $85,275 from development companies and $27,375 from companies associated with developers for his 2001 primary and general election campaign funds. He also received at least $45,050 from developers and $26,570 from companies associated with developers for his 2003 primary and general election campaign funds.

Kyrillos is not the only top official in the county who has received ‘developer money’ for recent election campaigns.

During the 2004 freeholder race, Republican assembly candidate Amy Handlin received $14,100 in monetary contributions over $400. Of the $14,100, $5,750 came from developers and companies associated with developers, including a $400 contribution from James Wassel, president of Sandy Hook Partners, LLC, which is working with the Nation Park Service to redevelop Sandy Hook.

Former Matawan Mayor and current Freeholder Rob Clifton received $19,650 in monetary contributions over $400 for the 2004 freeholder race, $2,000 of which came from developers or companies associated with developers.

The 2004 freeholder race was significantly funded by “in-kind contributions,” or money that comes from the state Republican Committee and the Monmouth County Republican Committee, as well as campaign committees for municipal, county and state elected officials.

Much of the money given by the state and county committees is used to directly pay for campaign literature and labor, such as the $1,000 former county employee and FBI “person of interest” Tony “The Rat” Palughi was given to put up campaign signs for the 2004 freeholder and sheriff elections.

Handlin’s 2004 freeholder campaign received $111,265.95 in in-kind contributions, $50,598.12 of which came from the Monmouth County Republican Committee. Clifton’s 2004 freeholder campaign received $114,812.45 in in-kind contributions, $50,598.12 of which came from the Monmouth County Republican Committee.

Since Wall Township resident Fred Niemann, employed as a county counsel, took the reigns as Monmouth County Republican Committee chair in June, 2004, the committee has received $447,314.30 in contributions of $400 or more. Of the nearly $450,000, developers and companies associated with developers contributed at least $65,920. The $65,920 includes a $10,000 donation from Morris’s company, Smith Street Properties, Piscataway.

With state a local election finance laws becoming more and more narrow, elected officials around New Jersey, not just in Monmouth, have become more cognizant of who contributes what to campaigns for would-be office holders and incumbents.


SIDEBAR
DEVELOPERS: For the purposes of this article, developers are defined as companies or individuals who manage or work for companies that construct commercial or residential properties. Real estate companies that sell commercial or residential properties but do not construct such properties were not considered.

COMPANIES ASSOCIATED WITH DEVELOPERS: For the purposes of this article, “companies associated with developers are defined as contracting, engineering, architectural and construction firms, as well as individuals who manage or work for such firms. The businesses considered “companies associated with developers” benefit financially from commercial or residential property development. Some of these companies are also employed by county and municipal governments for public projects.