Place yer bets!

All right Monmouth County folks, there's about a month to the election. I keep hearing poll numbers that contradict each other from my sources in Democrat and Republican camps. I'd like to hear your commentary about it.

I'm not going to predict, but I will speculate on the races, as I see them from the ground level. If I'm seriously off-target I expect mocking by all!

Monmouth County Freeholder Race
William Barham & Lillian Burry (Rep.) VS. Rebecca Aaronson & Barbara McMorrow (Dem.)
    The APP's Club Monmouth series but a dent in the chrome engine of the all-Republican Freeholder board. But, more likely, the harder blow may have been when former long-time Freeholder Director "the Governor of Monmouth County" Harry Larrison was arrested on bribery charges.
    Barham and particularly Burry have a reputation for being no-nonsense office-holders. Will Aaronson and McMorrow be able to communicate to the voters their message that continuing the Republican stronghold in Monmouth is bad government?

13th District Race
Amy Handlin & Sam Thompson (Rep.) VS. Michael Dasaro & Bill Flynn (Dem.)
Handlin, despite her 15-year tenure as a freeholder, has managed to very shrewdly cast a public image as a "reformer" (and having a kow-towing press never hurts any either). Will Dasaro and Flynn be able to communicate their message that Handlin is a hypocrite, having been on the periphery of the scandals surrounding the MC Republican Organization?
    Handlin, to the best of my knowledge, hasn't made any campaign stops in any town other than Middletown and the Democrat-stronghold of Aberdeen. Officials in Keansburg and Keyport, two municipalities in the 13th District, say they haven't even seen Freeholder Handlin in their town in recent years. It seems that Handlin and the MC Republican Party is counting on the strength of Middletown to carry to this election.
    Another question is how will Thompson fare without his long-time running mate Azzolina? Azzolina, for whatever the woes in Middletown, always had a strong reputation with labor and carried 25% of the Democratic vote.
    A lot will depend on voter turn-out and how well the Democrats in the traditionally working-class areas of the 13th District are able to mobilize their base. Same for Republicans in the white-collar areas of Middletown and Holmdel. The Clean Elections program threw a monkeywrench into this election and more will depend on grassroots efforts than press and messaging.

12th District Race
Declan O'Scanlon & Jennifer Beck (Rep.) VS. Mike Panter & Bob Morgan (Dem.)
Panter & Morgan have managed to create a new breed of Democrat - fiscally responsible Democrat - unseen in other parts of the state. It's not just good government, it's also pragmatic: Democrats in Monmouth County will not appeal to the Republican demographic by falling in line with Democrat heavy-weights in Trenton.
    With the state and county Republicans having written off the 12th District after Bennett's defeat in 2003, O'Scanlon & Beck have had a tough time getting attention to their message. But O'Scanlon & Beck are both fighters. They will throw 150% into their campaign come hell or high water. Whatever the outcome in this election, Beck will be a force to be reckoned with in the future. Republicans would be smart to look to Beck for the Freeholder line when Freeholder Ted Narozanic retires.

11th District Race
Steve Corodemus & Sean Kean (Rep.) VS. Matt Doherty & Jim Reilly (Dem.)
The state Democrats have poured a lot of money into the 11th District with a frantic stream of press releases that seem to be making a dent. Not to mention the thousands of dollars in cable ad buys.
    Corodemus and Kean haven't taken the blitz lying down, painting their opponents as state Democratic machine insiders. Corodemus and Kean also have established an environmental record that matters in the minds of 11th District voters.
    The 11th District race will be close, but I think the Democrats will have difficulty unseating the Republican incumbents.

Republican leader tied to controversial religious group

(Published in the October 6, 2005 issue of The Courier.)

Republican leader tied to controversial religious group

By JACKIE CORLEY

During last year's Monmouth County Freeholder race, Republicans had a bone to pick with Democrats after a derogatory comment about women made by one of the Democrat candidates years earlier, was made public.

Republican Freeholder candidates in 2004, Amy Handlin and Rob Clifton, and their campaign manager, Dan Gallic (formerly the executive director of the Monmouth County Republican Organization), gained political traction when they revealed that Democrat candidate Steve Morlino made a joke during a Howell Township Council meeting stating that some women "should be muzzled."

"If my opponent is threatened by intelligent women who speak their minds, he'll have a tough time working with the people of this county," Clifton said at the time.

What Republicans kept in their closets, however, was Gallic's connection with a religious group that has been sharply criticized for its own views of women, as well as statements by former members likening the group to "a cult."

The People of Hope, located in Plainfield, is a Catholic charismatic covenant community that was founded by Gallic's father, Bob Gallic, and a handful of others in 1977. However, the People of Hope is not recognized by Catholic Church as a lay organization, according to Jim Goodness, spokesperson for the Archdiocese of Newark.

"There was a time (in 1991 when the community appealed to the Archdiocese of Newark for official recognition) when Archbishop Theodore McCarrick (now Cardinal Archbishop of Washington) had expressed reservations about the organization," Goodness said. "They were not in communion with the archdiocese. There were some concerns as to whether or not this was truly a Catholic organization."

According to Goodness, the Catholic Church now allows priests to say mass for the People of Hope, but the organization is still in no way recognized as a lay Catholic community.

Gallic's involvement with the People of Hope first became news in the political sphere during state Sen. Anthony Bucco's 2003 re-election campaign against challenger Blair MacInnes. Gallic served as Bucco's campaign manager.

According to MacInnes, Gallic was quoted in a local Morristown newspaper as saying, "The only thing that makes [MacInnes] legitimate is her husband and her husband's money."

MacInnes's campaign charged that the comments were sexist and called attention to Gallic's involvement with and leading role in the People of Hope.

"Koinonia Academy [in Plainfield], the school run by the People of Hope, has been accused of teaching female students classes in 'active submission' and discouraging female students from attending college," an October 16, 2003 release from MacInnes's campaign stated.

The above release also states: "Former members of the group reported to the Bergen Record that: husband[s] and wives are encouraged to go out only on 'prescribed date nights'; teenagers are prohibited from dating without approval from group leaders; older women are told not to wear pants or makeup; two women who left the group described a husband who wrote out his wife's daily schedule in 15-minute intervals."

A former member, who contacted The Courier but declined to allow his name to appear in print for fear of retaliation, confirmed the specifics issued by MacInnes's campaign. The source also confirmed that women in the group were taught to be subservient to men.

Many members left the group in the early 1990s following McCarrick expressing concerns about the community.

A family member of one such individual created a web site [http://members.tripod.com/~PeopleofHope] billed as "The Hope Awareness Center." The Courier has been in contact with the web site's creator but is withholding the person's name because of fears expressed by former members who are no longer supportive of the organization's teachings.

The site details several aspects of "cult-like" control exhibited by the organization.

"It is important to note that many members of these communities are good and faithful people who are trying to do the right thing but are living in a deceptive environment," the family member writes on the site. "These groups are considered totalitarian and high demand organizations with rules and regulations that enslave many people and take away their own independent thinking and thought processes."

Among the issues the Hope Awareness Center details is a 1985 state and federal investigation into tax records to determine whether or not Bob Gallic misused funds to purchase land that his and other high-ranking community members' homes were later built on. The investigation did not yield any charges.

Also included on the web site is a 'letter to the editor' that appeared in Fidelity Magazine, a now-defunct Christian publication, according to the Hope Awareness Center. The name is withheld by the Hope Awareness Center, though archives of Fidelity Magazine are available for purchase.

An excerpt from the letter reads:

"The following briefly examines each control I experienced…in the Hope pastoral system. Behavior control was accomplished by the structuring, regulation and discipline of a member's physical reality. Hope members schedule their week with the discernment of a pastoral leader…

"Thought control has only one goal: to transform the thought mechanisms of a person to be 'one with the group.'… As recently as June 23, 1991, at a general gathering of the community a senior head coordinator decided that it is a sin of deception and unity to read material that is critical of covenant communities and Hope.

"Emotional control uses fear as an effective way to keep members committed to the group. Very often many were prayed with to be delivered from fears the group in its own way instilled them. By the false creation of fears…and enemies, and making those enemies seem imminent (Islam, Communism, etc.), the community imposed an unconscious fear to leaving the confines of the group…

"Sharing and relating is controlled…Women getting together was also controlled. After all, women had to be protected from gossip or complaining. The general observation is that most women have superficial relationships and are missing a particular bond and support that women need with each other."

Not all former members felt harmed by their experiences in the People of Hope or thought the group espoused beliefs that were sexist.

"I always felt that the Hope community did a better job of respecting women's dignity and uniqueness and their giftedness better than any group outside them. My own experience led me to be a far better spouse," Michael J. Donnelly wrote in an e-mail.

In another e-mail Donnelly stated, "The aspects of community life which have led people to judge it as 'cultish' are its seeking to find and live a common life of morality and supportiveness toward each other…I would call the People of Hope a non-ordained religious family which seeks to serve God in a dedicated and committed way."

Gallic's perspective

While the former members of the People of Hope that The Courier spoke with said otherwise, Gallic denied he was ever a leader of the religious community and said he is not currently a member.

When asked if his father founded the People of Hope, Gallic said, "I believe he did."

Gallic, a resident of Warren Township in Somerset County, who ran unsuccessfully in 2003 for an Assembly seat left vacant by state Sen. Tom Kean, did acknowledge that he attended the Koinonia Academy.

Gallic, whose one-year tenure as Monmouth County Republican Director ended in August, said his views do not matter in the campaigns and organizations he works for.

"I didn't know Monmouth County from a hole in the wall. I didn't know who [Monmouth County Republican Chair] Fred Niemann was [before August 2004]," Gallic said.

While Gallic is no longer the executive director of the Monmouth County Republican Party (and no one has been selected to replace him as of yet), he said he does serve as a political consultant for the county organization and acknowledged serving as Handlin's and Clifton's campaign manager last year.

"I'm not the executive director of the Monmouth County Republican Party. I'm nothing. I resigned in August. I'm just a consultant. My views do not get put into anything. If and when I'm elected to public office, that's when my views will matter," Gallic said. "As for anyone who wants to attack me personally, my only response is that my grandfather was Jewish and I have an uncle who is Puerto Rican."

MacInnes, a Morristown resident, recalled the 2003 campaign and Gallic's campaigning style in particular as turning very ugly.

"I had a very contentious relationship with Dan Gallic. I think he and the People of Hope have a Medieval notion about women," MacInnes said, noting that she believed some of his comments about her revealed him to have a misogynistic view of women.

"I found Gallic to really be a right-wing ideologue. I would think that the Monmouth County Republicans would have enough on their plate without having to defend Gallic's position on the role of women in politics," MacInnes said. "New Jersey is 43rd out of 50th states in terms of the number of women in elected office. Whereas many people, including myself, would like to see that change, I think Mr. Gallic is happy to see that number stay as it is."

Niemann did not respond to questions about why Gallic was selected as executive director or what his role was or is in the Monmouth County Republican Organization.

With reporting by Jim Purcell

CAPTION:

DROP QUOTE:
"I didn't know Monmouth County from a hole in the wall. I didn't know who [Monmouth County Republican Chair] Fred Niemann was [before August 2004]," Gallic said.

Green candidate challenges freeholders to end pay-to-play

Green candidate challenges freeholders to end pay-to-play

By JACKIE CORLEY

Brian Unger hopes voters will paint their election ballots Green this November: Green Party, that is.

Unger, who is running for the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders on the Green Party ticket, has recently made waves with his call for tough anti-pay-to-play legislation on the county level.

Unger proposed a reform package he titled the “Public Accountability in Contracting Act” (PACA). The Green Party candidate’s proposal would forbid the awarding of contracts over $10,000 to individuals or businesses that contribute more than $400 to freeholder campaigns. It would also prohibit current contractors from contributing to campaigns of incumbent freeholders. Additionally, Unger’s plan calls for a four-year ban on contracts with businesses or individuals who have made political contributions to freeholder campaigns.

On September 22, 2004, then-Governor James E. McGreevey issued an executive order, effective October 15, 2004, prohibiting state contractors who receive more than $17,500 in contracts with state agencies from contributing to a gubernatorial campaign or a state or county political party committee.

A bill approved by the state legislature on June 16, 2004, to take effect on January 1, 2006, would prohibit contractors who receive more than $17,500 from counties or municipalities from making campaign contributions to county or municipal political parties or candidates running for office in that county or municipality.

Unger said the state legislation is filled with loopholes, and he criticized the Board of Chosen Freeholders for not passing a stronger resolution at the county level.

“There is a grass-roots movement in the towns and counties to do the tough, honest work that the state legislature doesn’t have the moral or ethical fiber to do,” Unger said. “There is a bill in the [New Jersey Legislature] now that would allow municipalities and counties to continue to adopt their own [anti-pay-to-play] measures, but it’s not going anywhere because no one’s looking, and there isn’t enough pressure to move the bill forward into law.”

Unger said the all-Republican Board of Chosen Freeholders is incorrect in believing that anti-pay-to-play legislation cannot be passed at the local or county level before the state acts.

“Mercer County has adopted pay-to-play reforms, other counties are considering them, and many towns including Long Branch and Belmar have already done so. The citizens of Dover Township are going to referendum to force their government to adopt more stringent measures,” Unger said. “We need this measure now because the state’s legislation is weak and only in effect from January to June of each year. So it’s important that as many towns and counties as possible adopt the toughest pay-to-play and wheeling legislation. Every county in the state should do this. It could help steamroll the legislature into meaningful action.”

“Wheeling” is a practice whereby contributors give money to a political action committee (PAC) and, in turn, the PAC gives money to the candidate the contributor was actually looking to give money to. Wheeling places a degree of distance between a candidate and a contributor, particularly when a direct contribution would give the appearance of impropriety or a conflict of interest.

The state’s provision only prohibits “wheeled” contributions from January 1 to June 30 of each year.

“Wheeling allows contractors, vendors and party bosses to secretly contribute to campaigns without proper disclosure. With cash gifts hidden, the contributors influence legislation, the award of contracts and patronage jobs, etc.,” an August 25 release from Unger’s campaign stated.

Contractors and contributions

Political contributions by county contractors frequently find their way into freeholder elections.

Money from the Monmouth County Republican Committee is used to heavily finance Republican freeholder elections. For example, during Rob Clifton’s and Amy Handlin’s 2004 general freeholder election, the two Republican candidates each received $50,598.12 in in-kind contributions, about 40 percent of the total money the pair received at that time, from the Monmouth County Republican Committee, according to New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) reports.

Under Monmouth County Republican Chairman Niemann’s watch, the Monmouth County Republican Committee raised the $430,035 in contributions over $400 from July 1, 2004 to June 30, 2005, excluding money contributed to the county party by election funds of would-be office holders.

Of the $430,035 the Monmouth County Republican Committee collected during Niemann’s time as county chair, $75,570 came from companies that received a contract or multiple contracts with the county, as approved by the Board of Chosen Freeholders, from June 2004 to April 2005.

Additionally, according to the Monmouth County Republican Committee’s July 15, 2005 quarterly ELEC report, the organization received $37,000 of the $37,500 raised that quarter from the Monmouth Leadership PAC. Notably, $37,000 is the maximum a political action committee can donate to a county political committee. The $37,000 contribution was made on June 13, 2005.

The Monmouth Leadership PAC is billed as a non-partisan ideological committee created to promote the candidacy of strong leaders in Monmouth County. In fact, the Monmouth Leadership PAC shares the same P.O. Box with the Monmouth County Republican Committees well as many of the same contributors.

An end to wheeling?

Unger said that wheeling funds from various county political committees and PACs can be stopped through relatively simple legal measures.

Unger’s proposal would require that any business or individual applying for a county contract of over $10,000 submit a certification stating that they did not give funds to county candidates through outside individuals or committees.

“A simple cross-check with ELEC contribution reports would indicate if improperly wheeled money had come to the candidate. Certifications are a common regulatory mechanism widely used by state, federal and local governments. The process would halt wheeling for any contractor that wanted a county contract,” the release from Unger’s campaign stated.

At the very least, Unger hopes voters will look to the Green Party when they go the polls this year.

“The two major political parties in power cannot agree on who loses and who gains. Neither has been able to get the upper hand politically and both have successfully stopped tough, credible legislation from passing year after year after year,” Unger said. “The Monmouth County Freeholders are wrong. They can adopt pay-to-play reforms now and they should. Our home county is the political corruption poster child for the entire state. We need to be out front leading the fight for clean honest government.”

Latest e-mail from The Researcher

From: John Burns nocredibilitycourier@XXXXX.com
To: Jackie Corley jcorley @ gmail.com
Date: Aug 30, 2005 8:55 AM
Subject: Re: hmmm

We shall see. Only if I could be as important as the writers at the Courier. Ask Rosmarie Peters, Amy Handlin or Rob Clifton how much of an impact the Courier had on their election prospects--the results speak for themselves. The only election prospects that have been impacted by the Courier are Mr. Azzolina's--and that was a losing prospect--almost two years ago and then finally this June. Obviously, this is the business the Courier is in--not journalism, but politics. Politics is a rough hobby and if you want to be involved in it, then you have to not only be willing to dish it out, but to take it too. I have Mr. Purcell's email address, but thank you anyway.

-The Researcher

Well, folks, the documentation for just about all of my articles is available on the index to your right. You can decide for yourselves whether I'm providing access to information or playing politics.

If I'm going to be retaliated against for doing my job, well that would say a lot about the county I live in.

Please support the freedom of the press.

Clifton to return money from Morris-funded PAC

Published in the August 11, 2005 issue of The Courier.

Clifton to return money from Morris-funded PAC

By JACKIE CORLEY

After learning that the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government was significantly funded by developer Jack Morris, former Matawan mayor and Freeholder Rob Clifton said he will return the $5,000 he received from the political action committee (PAC).

As first reported in the Thursday, July 28 issue of The Courier, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government, an East Brunswick-based PAC, received significant funding from Morris, his wife and associated companies. The group, formed on July 3, 2003, contributed $5,000 to Clifton’s successful general freeholder election.

From July 2003 to June 17, 2004, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government raised $93,200 and distributed $62,600 of that in campaign contributions.

Significant contributions made to the PAC came from such development and construction heavyweights as Jingoli Construction, Ferreira Construction and the Columbia Group, among others.

The Columbia Group, a company owned and operated by Morris in Piscataway, is the lead redeveloper for Matawan in the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Redevelopment Project.

The Columbia Group’s plan, as described in a September 23, 2002 memorandum from Richard Coppola, planner for the interlocal agency formed by Aberdeen and Matawan, included 1,000 residential dwelling units and did not meet the specifications detailed by the interlocal services agreement.

The Matawan Borough Council selected the Columbia Group as its redeveloper in a resolution passed December 3, 2002. Matawan was subsequently sued by Silver Oaks Properties, the company selected by Aberdeen to serve as its redeveloper for the project. The issue is still in litigation.

On September 25, 2003, Jack Morris, his wife and his business partner each contributed $7,200 to the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government.

Furthermore, another company Morris is employed by, Marlboro Routes 9 & 520 Development Company LLC, located at 69 Century Drive in Clifton, contributed $3,200 on September 25, 2003.

The $24,800 represented about 27 percent of the $93,200 in the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government’s coffers by June 17, 2004, the largest share held by any associated group of individuals who contributed to the PAC by that time.

Additionally, the Columbia Group and Smith Street Properties, another Morris company, each contributed $7,200 to the PAC some time between July 2004 and September 2004. ELEC reports filed by the PAC do not specify an exact date.

The majority of the $62,600 distributed by the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government went to candidates in northern counties in the state. However, Clifton, who was mayor of Matawan at the time the borough’s governing body selected the Columbia Group as its lead redeveloper, was the only Monmouth official to receive funds from the year-old PAC.

On June 17, 2004, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government contributed $5,000 to Clifton’s freeholder election fund. Clifton raised a total of $19,650 in contributions over $400 for the 2004 freeholder election, in which Freeholder Amy Handlin was his running mate. Thus, the $5,000 contribution made by the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government represented 25 percent of the total contributions over $400 made to Clifton’s election fund.

In addition to contributions made to office seekers, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government also contributed $24,000 to the New Jersey Republican State Committee on October 1, 2004, when state Sen. Joe Kyrillos was chair of the party.

Clifton to return money

At the Tuesday, August 2 meeting of the Matawan Borough Council, Clifton was on hand to swear-in Councilwoman Victoria Allen to the seat vacated by former Councilman Michael Cannon.

When questioned about the $5,000 contribution, Clifton said he was not aware that Morris significantly funded the PAC and, since being made aware of that fact, planned to return the money.

“When I received a letter from David Himmelman, who was the head of it – the attorney, and CC’ed on that was Jack Sinagra, who is a former Republican state senator. When I did some background checking on it—I also asked the state Republican Committee to check it—[I saw] it was bi-partisan. It gave to Assemblyman Bill Baroni. It gave to a [Democrat] Union County Surrogate candidate and the Burlington County Republican Party,” Clifton said.

“So, as I did some background checking, I honestly didn’t check into who had donated to the PAC. But from the indications I had gotten from Democrats and Republicans, it was a legitimate political action committee and that’s why I took it. Now, in hindsight, seeing who is the developer in question who contributed, I’m going to give the money back,” Clifton concluded.

Anthony "The Rat" Palughi pleads guilty

Published in the August 4, 2005 issue of The Courier.

Anthony "The Rat" Palughi pleads guilty

By JACKIE CORLEY

FBI "person of investigative interest" Anthony "Tony the Rat" Palughi, Wall, had his day in court this week, after months of speculation by residents in Monmouth County that Palughi was somehow involved in the corruption probe targeting area officials.

Palughi waived an open court prosecution by indictment and pled guilty before U.S. District Judge William J. Matini in Newark Tuesday to a bribery charge.

According to the New Jersey U.S. Attorney's Office, Palughi acted as an intermediary, accepting money from a confidential FBI informant as payment for introducing the cooperating witness to elected officials who were reportedly willing to accept bribes. Allegedly, these officials, including elected office holders in Middletown and Neptune, then received money in exchange for securing contracting and demolition work in those towns, a press release from the New Jersey U.S. Attorney's Office said.

Palughi admitted to accepting $12,500 in bribes between March and October of 2004. The charge carries a maximum sentence of 10 years in prison and a fine of $250,000.

"Palughi and others were extensively recorded on video and audio tape in discussions with undercover FBI agents whom they believed were employees of the cooperating witness, and who were purportedly involved in the laundering of loansharking proceeds as well as paying off local officials," the release from the New Jersey U.S. Attorney's Office said.

Republican Insider?

Before Monmouth County corruption allegations began surfacing, Palughi served as the superintendent of the Monmouth County Division of Bridges for eight years.

At the time of his retirement in March 2005, Palughi earned a salary of $92,114.

Palughi was appointed to the position on January 6, 1997 and reappointed on January 7, 2002. Both times, the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders, composed of former Freeholder Director Harry Larrison, current Freeholder Director Tom Powers, former Freeholder Ed Stominski, Freeholder Theodore Narozanick and current Freeholder Deputy Director Amy Handlin, voted unanimously to retain Palughi, according to the minutes of the meetings.

During the time Palughi was employed by the county, allegations were brought to the attention of the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders that he rarely showed up to his county job and was reportedly doing political work when he was on county time, according to an Asbury Park Press article published March 6, 2005. However, no official action was taken against Palughi because of his relationship with Larrison.

In the Asbury Park Press article, Handlin was quoted as saying Larrison was the only freeholder to defend Palughi.

Palughi served as president of the Affiliated Republican Club of Monmouth County for five consecutive years in the 1990s. By all accounts, his tenure at the head of the club ran smoothly.

But the Affiliated Republican Club was not Palughi's only venture into the Monmouth County Republican organization.

Palughi was regularly paid to put up campaign signs for Republican county candidates during election season.

Palughi's last venture into Republican politics took place during the 2004 freeholder and sheriff elections. On October 2, 2004, Palughi was paid $1,000 by the Monmouth County Republican Committee for "campaign sign labor," according to Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) documents.

A county employee, who asked not to be named in this article, said Palughi's campaign work was completed on county time. Whether or not Palughi was on the clock when he accepted bribes between March 2004 and October 2004 is not clear at this time.



Of the $1,000 Palughi was paid for putting up signs, $333.33 was attributed as an expenditure incurred on behalf of Handlin's campaign; $333.33 on behalf of then Matawan Mayor and current Freeholder Rob Clifton; and $333.33 on behalf of Sheriff Joseph Oxley.

Handlin, the only one of the three candidates who had authority over Palughi's county position at the time he completed the 2004 campaign work, has refused comment on direct questioning about Palughi and has not responded to numerous written, electronic and telephone inquiries about Palughi's role in her campaign.

Palughi will likely be unable to participate in any campaigns this year. His sentencing on the bribery charge is scheduled for November 9.

Clifton received campaign money from Morris-funded PAC

Published in The Bayshore Courier on July 28, 2005

Clifton received campaign money from Morris-funded PAC

By JACKIE CORLEY

Does the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government live up to its name?

The East Brunswick-based political action committee (PAC) was formed on July 3, 2003 as a nonpartisan ideological group. The PAC, which counts former Republican state Sen. Jack Sinagra, R-Middlesex, as its chairperson and David B. Himelman as its treasurer, is located at 44 Valley Forge Drive.

From July 2003 to June 17, 2004, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government raised $93,200 and distributed $62,600 of that in campaign contributions.

Significant contributions made to the PAC came from such development and construction heavyweights as Jingoli Construction, Ferreira Construction and the Columbia Group, among others.

The Columbia Group, a Jack Morris company based in Piscataway, is the lead redeveloper for Matawan in the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Redevelopment Project. The Columbia Group’s plan, as described in a September 23, 2002 report by Richard Coppola, planner for the interlocal agency formed by Aberdeen and Matawan, included 1,000 residential dwelling units and did not meet the specifications detailed by the interlocal services agreement.

The Matawan Borough Council selected the Columbia Group as its redeveloper in a resolution passed December 3, 2002. Matawan was subsequently sued by Silver Oaks Properties, the company selected by Aberdeen to serve as its redeveloper for the project. The issue is still in litigation.

On September 25, 2003, Jack Morris, his wife and his business partner each contributed $7,200 to the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government.

Furthermore, another company Morris is employed by, Marlboro Routes 9 & 520 Development Company LLC, located at 69 Century Drive in Clifton, contributed $3,200 on September 25, 2003.

The $24,800 represented about 27 percent of the $93,200 in the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government’s coffers by June 17, 2004, the largest share held by any associated group of individuals who contributed to the PAC by that time.

Additionally, the Columbia Group and Smith Street Properties, another Morris company, each contributed $7,200 to the PAC some time between July 2004 and September 2004. ELEC reports filed by the PAC do not specify an exact date.

The majority of the $62,600 distributed by the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government went to candidates in Middlesex and Mercer Counties. However, one Monmouth official received funds from the year-old PAC: Freeholder Rob Clifton, who was mayor of Matawan at the time the borough’s governing body selected the Columbia Group as its lead redeveloper.

On June 17, 2004, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government contributed $5,000 to Clifton’s freeholder election fund. Clifton raised a total of $19,650 in contributions over $400 for the 2004 freeholder election, in which Freeholder Amy Handlin was his running mate. Thus, the $5,000 contribution made by the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government represented 25 percent of the total contributions over $400 made to Clifton’s election fund.

In addition to contributions made to office seekers, the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government also contributed $24,000 to the New Jersey Republican State Committee on October 1, 2004, when state Sen. Joe Kyrillos was chair of the party.

Is it wheeling?

“Wheeling” is a practice whereby contributors give money to a PAC and, in turn, the PAC gives money to the candidate the contributor was actually looking to give money to. Wheeling places a degree of distance between a candidate and a contributor, particularly when a direct contribution would give the appearance of impropriety or a conflict of interest.

Whether or not Clifton knew that the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government was significantly funded by Jack Morris and his associates is unclear. Clifton has not returned calls by press time.

Kyrillos said he was not aware of Clifton receiving any money from Morris or a Morris-funded PAC. When informed of the Committee for Responsibility and Trust in Government’s $5,000 contribution to Clifton’s freeholder race, Kyrillos said, “I think Rob is a bright, objective person who makes his own decisions and certainly did [on the train station] matter.”

TIMELINE (sidebar)

December 3, 2002: Matawan Borough Council passes an ordinance declaring the Columbia Group the lead redeveloper for the borough’s portion of the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station Project.

July 3, 2003: The Committee for Responsibility & Trust in Government, a political action committee (PAC), is formed in East Brunswick.

September 25, 2003: Morris, his wife and associated companies and employees contribute $24,800 to the PAC. By June 17, 2004, the $24,800 represents 27 percent of the total amount in the fund.

April 2004: Matawan Mayor Rob Clifton is selected to replace Freeholder Ed Stominski and join Freeholder Amy Handlin on the Republican line for the November election. State Sen. Joe Kyrillos, R-Monmouth, and former Monmouth Republican Chairman Bill Dowd meet with Stominski to inform him of the decision.

June 8, 2004: Clifton and Handlin defeat Stominski in the primary for the Republican freeholder line.

June 15, 2004: Fred Niemann unseats Dowd as chairman of the Monmouth Republican Committee.

June 17, 2004: Clifton, still mayor of Matawan, receives $5,000 from the Committee for Responsibility & Trust in Government for his general freeholder election fund.

July-September 2004: Morris companies contribute $14,400 to the PAC. The exact dates of the contributions are not specified.

October 1, 2004: The New Jersey Republican State Committee, chaired by Kyrillos, R-Monmouth, receives $24,000 from the Committee for Responsibility & Trust in Government.

ELEC: Handlin had to know Palughi's role in campaigns

Published in The Bayshore Courier on July 14, 2005.

ELEC: Handlin had to know Palughi's role in campaigns

Former county employee and FBI “person of investigative interest” Anthony “Tony the Rat” Palughi was paid to put up Handlin's freeholder campaign signs in 2001 and 2004.

By JACKIE CORLEY
Staff Writer

At a public appearance at an Aberdeen Township Council meeting on Thursday, July 7, Freeholder Deputy Director Amy Handlin was asked by a reporter whether or not the 13th District Republican assembly candidate would answer any questions about Anthony “Tony the Rat” Palughi.

Handlin responded succinctly: “No.”

Palughi, the former superintendent of the Monmouth County Division of Bridges, retired in March of this year, shortly after being named “a person of investigative interest” by the FBI.

While Palughi was an official employee of the county, many believe Palughi did little but serve as deceased former Monmouth County Freeholder Director Harry Larrison Jr.'s driver and run political errands for Larrison.

Currently, Palughi is rumored to be at the center of a federal corruption probe taking place throughout Monmouth County, specifically in the northern area of the county. But one year ago, Palughi's life was much simpler-and financially comfortable.

At the time of his retirement, Palughi earned a salary of $92,114. He picked up an additional $1,000 on October 2, 2004 from the Monmouth County Republican Committee for “campaign sign labor” for the 2004 freeholder and sheriff elections, according to Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) documents. The 2004 county elections saw the successful re-election of Handlin and Sheriff Joseph Oxley and the election of former Matawan Mayor and sitting Freeholder Rob Clifton.

Of the $1,000, $333.33 was an expense incurred on behalf of Handlin's campaign, $333.33 on behalf of Clifton's campaign and $333.33 on behalf of Oxley's campaign.

Of the three candidates, Handlin was the only candidate who had authority over Palughi's county position at the time he completed the 2004 campaign work.

Neither Oxley nor Clifton had any supervision of Palughi at his day job or direct knowledge of Palughi's job performance with the county at the time. However, Handlin, in a roll as a sitting freeholder, did have such authority and knowledge.

Indeed, Handlin voted twice, along with Larrison, current Freeholder Director Tom Powers, former Freeholder Ed Stominski and Freeholder Theodore Naronick, to retain Palughi's employment at the county: once on January 6, 1997 and again on January 7, 2002.

Less than three months prior to Palughi's January 7, 2002 reappointment, Palughi received $3,000 from the Monmouth County Republican Committee for “campaign sign installation” on behalf of the 2001 Republican county candidates, including Handlin. Of the $3,000 Palughi received on October 29, 2001, $750 of that amount was paid by the Monmouth County Republican Committee, as an in-kind contribution, on Handlin's behalf.

According to New Jersey election law, an “in-kind contribution” is an expenditure by a political party committee “on behalf of a candidate with the cooperation or prior consent of that candidate.” The political party committee must provide immediate written notification to the candidate within 48 hours of the cooperative expenditure that took place.

Therefore, according to election law, the Monmouth County Republican Committee had toreceive consent from Handlin in order for Palughi to complete and be paid for work on her two most recent freeholder elections.

According to ELEC's Compliance Department in Trenton, there are no prohibitions, from the commission's point of view, on county employees working for the campaigns of county office holders who appoint and reappoint that worker into his or her position. However, according to an official in the Compliance Department, counties and municipalities can stipulate ethics regulations to safeguard against such occurrences. Monmouth County has simply not proposed such a reform act as of yet. And, Handlin has refused to answer questions relating to such reforms.

Are contributors buying access or buying contracts?

Published in The Bayshore Courier on July 14, 2005.

Are contributors buying access or buying contracts?

By JACKIE CORLEY
Staff Writer

What's good for the goose is usually good for the gander, unless you're talking about the difference between state level and county level campaign financing.

The Monmouth County Republican Committee, chaired since June 15, 2004 by Wall Township resident Fred Niemann, has kept the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders in Republican hands for over 20 years.

The five-member Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders, which awards tens of millions of dollars in county contracts each year, is currently all Republican and consists of Freeholder Director Thomas J. Powers; Freeholder Deputy Director Amy Handlin; Freeholder Ted Narozanick; Freeholder Robert Clifton; and Freeholder William Barham.

According to an executive order issued by former Gov. James McGreevey on September 24, 2004, the state's departments, agencies and authorities cannot award a contract over $17,500 to a company or individual that has made contributions to any candidate running for governor or to a state or county political party.

The executive order, however, does not apply to companies that have made contributions to county political parties and who enter into contracts with county governments.

In May 2005, Handlin began introducing a reform package, one piece of which was meant to make the contract awarding process more transparent.

Handlin, who has not returned calls at press time, was quoted in published reports as saying that she knows there are no “sweetheart deals” when it comes to county contracts awarded to architectural and engineering firms, but that the reform package would allow the public a more “transparent view” of the awarding process.

While Handlin's reform package addressing no-bid contracts would employ a “point-system” to determine the qualifications of a company for a project, it does not place any limits on firms that contribute significantly to county parties and apply for no-bid contracts from the county.

Notably, money from the Monmouth County Republican Committee is used to heavily finance Republican freeholder elections. For example, during Clifton's and Handlin's 2004 general freeholder election, the two Republican candidates each received $50,598.12 in in-kind contributions, about 40 percent of the total money the pair received at that time, from the Monmouth County Republican Committee, according to New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) reports.

Under Niemann's watch, the Monmouth County Republican Committee raised $392,535 in contributions over $400 from July 1, 2004 to March 31, 2005, excluding money contributed to the county party by election funds of would-be office holders.

Of the $392,535 the Monmouth County Republican Committee collected during Niemann's time as county chair, $75,570 came from companies that received a contract or multiple contracts with the county, as approved by the Board of Chosen Freeholders, from June 2004 to April 2005.

Among the firms that have donated to the Monmouth County Republican Committee and also received county contracts approved by the all-Republican Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders are: Henshell & Buccellato; Earle Asphalt Company; French & Parrello Associates; Gibbons, Del Deo, Dolan Griffinger & Vecchione; MBI GluckShaw; Hatch Mott MacDonald; HDR Engineering, Inc.; Hawkins Delafield & Wood, LLP; Seely Equipment and Supply Co., Inc; Freehold Cartage Inc.; The Dittmar Agency and Abbington Associates.

Henshell & Buccellato, a Red Bank-based architectural firm, gave the Monmouth County Republican Committee $3,900 between August 2004 and November 2004, according to ELEC reports. Paul Buccellato, a partner in the firm, is a Matawan councilman and the chairman of the borough's Republican organization. On January 13, 2005, Henshell & Buccellato was awarded a $25,000 contract by the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders to provide “call-in professional architectural services” for the Monmouth County Department of Buildings and Grounds for 2005.

The Earle Asphalt Company has provided paving, construction and general contracting work to municipal and county governments and residential and commercial developers for nearly 30 years. From August 2004 to September 2004, the company contributed $2,500 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee, according to ELEC reports. From July to September 2004, Earle Asphalt Company received $2,875,324.44 in contracts with the county, according to resolutions adopted by the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders.

The Holmdel-based engineering firm of French & Parrello Associates contributed $4,000 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee on August 6, 2004. From October 2004 to December 2004, the company received $35,000 in contracts with the county.

Gibbons, Del Deo, Dolan, Griffinger & Vecchione is a Newark-based law firm that specializes in bond law. The firm, which counts Middletown Republican Chairman Peter Carton among its employed attorneys, currently serves as the bond counsel for Monmouth County, Middletown, Highlands and Union Beach, where Carton is named specifically as the attorney representing the firm in the borough.

From August to November 2004, Gibbons, Del Deo, Dolan, Griffinger & Vecchione contributed $7,500 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee, ELEC reports show. The firm was reappointed as the county's bond council on January 4, 2005.

Additionally, Carton contributed $500 on May 27, 2005 to Handlin's 2005 primary campaign for the assembly.

MBI GluckShaw is a Trenton-based public affairs and legislative lobbying firm. On August 9, 2004, Hazel Gluck, one of the firm's consultants, contributed $2,000 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee. Gluck also contributed $1,000 to Handlin's assembly campaign on May 7, 2005.

On March 23, 2005, the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders awarded a $92,700 to MBI GluckShaw and the Strategy Group for management consultant services in support of the Monmouth-Ocean-Middlesex passenger rail line project.

Hatch Mott MacDonald is a consulting engineering firm with New Jersey offices located in Cape May, Freehold and Millburn. The firm contributed $4,000 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee on August 6, 2004, according to ELEC reports. Additionally, Clifton accepted a $2,000 contribution from the firm for his 2004 freeholder election on November 11, 2004. Hatch Mott MacDonald received at least two contracts from the county: an $8,150 contract on June 24, 2005 and a $60,000 contract on October 14, 2004.

HDR Engineering, Inc. is an architectural and engineering firm based in White Plains, NY. From August 2004 to November 2004, the company contributed $3,900 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee. On December 9, 2004, HDR Engineering, Inc. received a contract for $499,870.

Hawkins Delafield & Wood, LLP is a Manhattan-based law firm that specializes in public finance and government contracts. ELEC reports show that attorneys from the company contributed $2,800 from July 2004 to October 2004. On November 9, 2004, Hawkins Delafield & Wood, LLP received a $290,000 contract to provide special legal counsel services for 2005.

Seely Equipment and Supply Co., Inc., Farmingdale, provides vehicles, snowplows and other supplies to municipal and county governments. The company contributed $4,000 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee, according to ELEC reports. From June 2004 to September 2004, Seely Equipment and Supply Co., Inc. received $218,315 in contracts from the county.

Freehold Cartage Inc., based in Freehold, provides waste removal services. From October 2004 to November 2004, the company gave $5,900 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee. From July 2004 to November 2004, Freehold Cartage, Inc. received $5,525,420 in contracts with Monmouth County.

The Dittmar Agency is a Freehold-based insurance company. In October 2004, the company gave $3,000 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee, ELEC reports show. From December 2004 to April 2005 received $674,666 in county contracts.

Abbington Associates is an engineering and architectural firm based in Freehold. In October 2004, the company's president, James P. Kovacs, contributed $6,300 to the Monmouth County Republican Committee. From June 2004 to December 2004, the Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders approved $279,700 in contracts with Abbington Associates.

The Monmouth County Board of Chosen Freeholders cannot award a contract simply because a company or individuals who operate or are employed by a contribution make significant contributions to a candidate or county party. The bid process, as regulated by state law, is highly involved, with contracts awarded to those companies that the governing body believes will best serve the interests of the municipality or county.

Nevertheless, there are few actual restrictions to campaign contributors, at least on the county level, when it comes to government contracts. Even before recent scandals rocked Monmouth County, McGreevey put in place significant controls to monitor state contracts. Meanwhile, the county has yet to impose similar standards.

Where does money for Monmouth's ruling party come from?

Published in The Bayshore Courier on June 23, 2005.

Where does money for Monmouth's ruling party come from?

By JACKIE CORLEY
Staff Writer

In light of recent grassroots concerns about "Pay-to-Play" legislation and corruption of government officials, area residents can trust most politicians to fully disclose the campaign contributions they receive by filing quarterly election reports.

The New Jersey Election Law Enforcement Commission (ELEC) requires elected officials and municipal, county and state committees to report the campaign contributions they take in on a quarterly basis.

One of the top elected officials in the county is state Sen. Joseph Kyrillos Jr., R-Monmouth. As well as being the former chairman of the state Republican organization, Kyrillos is a widely known and respected GOP leader in Monmouth.

Kyrillos received at least $47,200 from developer Jack Morris from April 1999 until April 2004. Kyrillos returned a $5,600 contribution from Morris's company, JSM @ New Durham on October 2, 2001, as well as five $1,800 contributions from the developer and his wife on February 23, 2005. The $14,600 was refunded by Kyrillos's campaign because the amount donated exceeded that allowed by election law, according to ELEC reports.

Morris's company, the Columbia Group, is Matawan's redeveloper for the Aberdeen-Matawan Train Station project.

Morris is not the only developer from whom Kyrillos has received campaign contributions. According to ELEC reports, the state senator received at least $85,275 from development companies and $27,375 from companies associated with developers for his 2001 primary and general election campaign funds. He also received at least $45,050 from developers and $26,570 from companies associated with developers for his 2003 primary and general election campaign funds.

Kyrillos is not the only top official in the county who has received ‘developer money’ for recent election campaigns.

During the 2004 freeholder race, Republican assembly candidate Amy Handlin received $14,100 in monetary contributions over $400. Of the $14,100, $5,750 came from developers and companies associated with developers, including a $400 contribution from James Wassel, president of Sandy Hook Partners, LLC, which is working with the Nation Park Service to redevelop Sandy Hook.

Former Matawan Mayor and current Freeholder Rob Clifton received $19,650 in monetary contributions over $400 for the 2004 freeholder race, $2,000 of which came from developers or companies associated with developers.

The 2004 freeholder race was significantly funded by “in-kind contributions,” or money that comes from the state Republican Committee and the Monmouth County Republican Committee, as well as campaign committees for municipal, county and state elected officials.

Much of the money given by the state and county committees is used to directly pay for campaign literature and labor, such as the $1,000 former county employee and FBI “person of interest” Tony “The Rat” Palughi was given to put up campaign signs for the 2004 freeholder and sheriff elections.

Handlin’s 2004 freeholder campaign received $111,265.95 in in-kind contributions, $50,598.12 of which came from the Monmouth County Republican Committee. Clifton’s 2004 freeholder campaign received $114,812.45 in in-kind contributions, $50,598.12 of which came from the Monmouth County Republican Committee.

Since Wall Township resident Fred Niemann, employed as a county counsel, took the reigns as Monmouth County Republican Committee chair in June, 2004, the committee has received $447,314.30 in contributions of $400 or more. Of the nearly $450,000, developers and companies associated with developers contributed at least $65,920. The $65,920 includes a $10,000 donation from Morris’s company, Smith Street Properties, Piscataway.

With state a local election finance laws becoming more and more narrow, elected officials around New Jersey, not just in Monmouth, have become more cognizant of who contributes what to campaigns for would-be office holders and incumbents.


SIDEBAR
DEVELOPERS: For the purposes of this article, developers are defined as companies or individuals who manage or work for companies that construct commercial or residential properties. Real estate companies that sell commercial or residential properties but do not construct such properties were not considered.

COMPANIES ASSOCIATED WITH DEVELOPERS: For the purposes of this article, “companies associated with developers are defined as contracting, engineering, architectural and construction firms, as well as individuals who manage or work for such firms. The businesses considered “companies associated with developers” benefit financially from commercial or residential property development. Some of these companies are also employed by county and municipal governments for public projects.